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In this chapter, we trace the emergence of institutional approaches in IR theory, outline three important areas of research on international institutions, and suggest promising directions for future research. The review demonstrates that rational choice institutionalism, historical institutionalism, and normative institutionalism, as developed in the study of domestic institutions, have constituted sources of inspiration in IR theory. At the same time, the relative absence of formal institutions in the international realm has encouraged IR scholars to theorize more subtle institutional forms and influences, with general implications for institutional analysis in political science.

This book of ten original essays provides a showcase of currently diverse theoretical agendas in the field of international relations. Contributors address the theoretical analysis that their perspective brings to the issue of change in global politics. Written for readers with a general interest in and knowledge of world affairs, New Thinking in International Relations Theory can also be assigned in international relations theory courses.The volume begins with an essay on the classical tradition at the end of the Cold War. Essays explore work outside the mainstream, such as Jean Bethke Elshtain on feminist theory and James Der Derian on postmodern theory as well as those developing theoretical advances within traditional realms from James DeNardo's formal modeling to the more descriptive analyses of Miles Kahler and Steve Weber. Other essays include Matthew Evangelista on domestics structure, Daniel Deudney on naturalist and geopolitical theory, and Joseph Grieco on international structuralist theory. ; https://scholarship.law.columbia.edu/books/1241/thumbnail.jpg

From the introduction: Governments rely heavily on taxes to fund their operations. If the business transactions subject to tax are entirely domestic, a country wields considerable power to implement a tax system and collect the designated taxes. But if the transactions cross national borders, who taxes them? Whose rules apply? And, perhaps most important, what happens when countries disagree? Who "prevails" and why? These are serious, critical, and relevant questions for which there are few answers. The dominant focus of international tax literature has been an analysis of substantive tax law and its implications. Receiving much less attention is how countries have come to agree on particular tax rules and practices-the international relations of international tax.

Berbagai diskusi politik dewasa ini telah membangkitkan kembali sebuah konsep "klasik" dalam teori Hubungan Internasional (HI), yaitu "kepentingan nasional". Konsep ini menjadi kata kunci paling penting bagi penganut pendekatan realisme yang memang sangat percaya pada "kedaulatan negara" sebagai satu-satunya aktor/entitas dalam HI. Secara lebih luas, istilah "kepentingan nasional" juga terutama muncul dalam dokumen-dokumen kebijakan di berbagai kementrian, terutama Kementrian Luar Negeri dan Kementrian Pertahanan, serta menjadi salah satu doktrin yang memandu pelaksanaan politik luar negeri di banyak negara.Namun, secara konseptual istilah ini juga menyisakan pertanyaan penting: apa yang dimaksud dengan "kepentingan nasional" ini? Kendati sering sekali didiskusikan dalam teori HI kontemporer, pada dasarnya istilah ini masih dengan serius diperdebatkan.

Yüksek Lisans Tezi ; Postkolonyal Uluslararası İlişkiler teorisi kolonyalizmi siyasi, askeri ekonomik, kültürel, kimliksel ve zihinsel bir baskı süreci olarak kabul eder. Postkolonyal Uluslararası İlişkiler teorisi her ne kadar 1980'li yıllarda ortaya çıkmış ve 1990'lı yıllarda gelişmeye başlamış gibi görünse de kökenleri 15. yy sömürge tarihine kadar uzanır. Bu teori dünya tarihini ve Üçüncü Dünya ülkelerinin durumunu ana akım Uluslararası İlişkiler teorilerine eleştirel yaklaşarak ve melezlik gibi farklı kavramları da kullanarak açıklar. Postkolonyal teoriye göre melezlik; bir zamanlar kolonize edilmiş yerli halkın kültürünün Batı kültürünün yanında halen belirsiz bir şekilde var olduğunu gösterir. Melezlik kavramı günümüze dek çok farklı anlamlarda kullanılmıştır. 18. yy. başlarında, kolonyal dönemlerde, melezlik kavramı biyolojik bir anlam içeriyordu ve beyaz ırkın ırkçılık üstünlüğü tavrını haklı çıkarmak ve ırklar arası üremeyi önlemek için "ırkların karışması" ve "kültür birleşimi" anlamı taşıyordu. 19 yy. başlarından sonra, dekolonizasyon dönemiyle birlikte, melezlik kavramı özellikle ABD'de İspanyol asıllı kişiler arasında, yerli ile İspanyol asıllıları birbirinden ayırmak için kullanılarak yeni bir anlam kazandı. Daha sonra ise; 20. yüzyılda, Post-kolonyal ve globalleşme dönemlerinde, melezlik kavramı çoğunluk içerisinde yer alan madun azınlığın uğradığı sosyal ayrımcılığı kastetti. Bu çalışma, Postkolonyal Uluslararası İlişkiler teorisinin günümüze dek tarihsel sürecini ve melezlik kavramının zaman içindeki yeni anlamlarını ele alarak kolonici ve kolonize ülkelerin uluslararası ilişkiler, siyasi, askeri, ekonomik, kültürel, zihinsel ve kimliksel durumunu anlamlandırmayı amaçlar. ; According to the Postcolonial International Relations theory; colonialism is a political, military, economical, cultural, identity and mental period of domination. Although Postcolonial International Relations theory was born in 1980s and started to develop in the 1990s, it's roots go back to the 15th century of ...

A Teoria de Rajamandala e as Relações Internacionais da Índia. Nas relações internacionais contemporâneas a Índia é vista como uma das maiores potências. A ascensão da Índia como um ator-chave no panorama global assenta na sua postura política internacional, no seu crescente poder económico, numa influência cultural dinâmica e numa máquina militar potente. Com base nestes recursos o país vê-se a si próprio como um líder natural à escala global, existindo uma cuidada e cultivada visão estratégica que pauta esta postura expansionista. Sendo este o caso, como se pode identificar esta visão? Quais são os componentes-chave desta estratégia? Argumenta-se que existe uma moldura política teórica autóctone e específica que remonta a mais de dois mil anos, a qual resistiu ao passar do tempo, constituindo a base das relações internacionais contemporâneas da Índia ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

In this age of the overarching globalization and increased public sensitivity, conflict resolution is becoming more and more demanding both in terms of its goals and its techniques. The war has become almost forbidden, and old schemes of justifying wars no longer appear satisfying. Justifying war always seemed to be a hopeless task: at the same time impossible and necessary. Being tragic and often also absurd throughout the history, war is now facing the challenge of a change its very definition. Its nature of unpredictability and irreversibility, its constitutive rules of victory and defeat, seem to be in the process of an extensive change, with new aspects and issues emerging: criminalization of war, new ways of justifying military interventions, and a huge set of instruments of justifying "asymmetric wars", "wars on terror", pre-emptive and preventive wars, peace-making and peace-keeping activities, regime change strategies, etc. Just War Theory and its justificatory capacity is (again) at the crossroad: is it a new chance to further its development, or a sign of its end? These and other issues regarding contemporary debate about the war are worth further exploration from the philosophical point of view.

This book presents a distinctive approach to the study of war and its law. It provides a vehicle for students from various disciplines -- historical analysis, international relations theory, law and economics, behavioral economics and psychology, science and technology (including the study of the environment), sociology, political philosophy, moral and ethical theory, and comparative religion -- to work together in addressing the cutting edge issues presented in the modern law of war. Practical activity in the law of war – in governments, international governmental and nongovernmental organizations, and elsewhere -- now requires an ability to understand the language of practitioners in other disciplines who participate in the formation of new norms and their application in the law of war; and practitioners in those other disciplines who participate in the formation and application of the law of war now also need to have an understanding of the distinctive features of international law as a separate discipline. Thus, much as war itself is too important to be left to generals, the law of war is too important to be left to international lawyers alone. The book can be used in research seminars in international law at law schools, graduate programs in these various disciplines, and even in advanced courses at the undergraduate level, with the goal of enabling students to develop interdisciplinary fluency in discussion of the case studies ranging from the Melian Dialogue to the Nuclear Weapons Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice. ; https://scholarship.law.edu/fac_books/1128/thumbnail.jpg

This article examines the BRICS phenomenon through the prism of several International Relations theories. Particularly, power transition theory, soft power and peaceful coexistence concepts, the theory of "global regionalism" and status theories are reviewed. Each of them suggests its own theoretical interpretation of the BRICS phenomenon, as well as its own vision of this group's role in world politics and economy. It is safe to assume that despite limitations of these theories each of them has some explanatory power. Being used together they can be helpful for studying - in an interdisciplinary way - a complex phenomenon, such as the BRICS. A number of modern theories hold that, along with the pursuit of purely material and pragmatic interests, the BRICS countries actively use this integration association to strengthen their positions in the world arena and elevate their international status. It should be noted that the BRICS was rather successful in presenting itself as a new model of world order which is a serious alternative to the existing one dominated by the West. It is based on the principles of cooperation, mutual respect and balance of interests, rather than dictate, discrimination, hierarchy and balance of power. It is too early to ascertain that a principally new type of an international institution was born within the BRICS format. However, there is no doubt that some positive experience has already been accumulated by this forum, and that this grouping has some good prospects for the future. For this reason, it will remain of considerable interest for International Relations theory. Keywords: BRICS, International Relations Theory, alternative world order

The purpose of this article is to demonstrate the considerable influence that Michel Foucault has had on International Relations theory. To do this, I will present a selection of important contributions to the discipline that have been inspired by his work. Firstly, I will show that the critique of rationalist and scientific paradigms in International Relations was in great part led by commentators who displayed strong foucaultian inspirations. Second, I will introduce a series of scholars who have made cogent uses of discourse analysis, which Foucault developed in philosophical and genealogical works. Lastly, I discuss the uses and interpretations of governmentality, biopolitics and sovereign power in the analysis of emerging networks of power at the international level. In this article, my central argument is that the application of Foucault's thought to International Relations has given way to a rich and ever-evolving research program and has had considerable impact on the opening and redefinition of the discipline.

The book is written for active learners - those keen on cutting their own path through the complex and at times hardly comprehensible world of THEORY in International Relations. To aid this process as much as possible, this book employs the didactical and methodical concept of integrating teaching and self-study. The criteria for structured learning about IR theory will be derived from an extensive discussion of the questions and problems of philosophy of science (Part 1). Theory of IR refers to the scientific study of IR and covers all of the following subtopics: the role and status of theory in the academic discipline of IR; the understanding of IR as a science and what a "scientific" theory is; the different assumptions upon which theory building in IR is based; the different types of theoretical constructions and models of explanations found at the heart of particular theories.

What are the general costs associated with a U.S. shift toward unilateralism? According to the overwhelming majority of international relations (IR) scholars, the costs are very high. We evaluate the key arguments that underlie this assessment, namely that increased U.S. unilateralism will: (1) spur the formation of a coalition to check U.S. power; (2) reduce efficiency gains through lost opportunities for institutionalized cooperation; and (3) undermine the legitimacy of the American-led international order. We conclude that the theoretical arguments that IR scholars advance do not show that a shift toward unilateralism necessarily has high costs. Our analysis reveals the need to, first, distinguish clearly between criticisms of unilateral policies based on procedure and those based on substance and, second, to recognize the weakness of current procedural arguments.

A headline of the Venezuelean daily El Nacionalista, published June 16, 2008, read: 'Venezuela se negó a seguir de rodillas ante las pretensiones del gobierno norteamericano'. A few weeks before, on May 8, president Hugo Chávez himself had said that Venezuela 'would not watch crossed-armed' ('Venezuela no se quedará de brazos cruzados') while Bolivia was driven into territorial desintegration by imperialist forces. The image of Venezuela with her arms crossed is one of slovenliness and negligence, whilst the image of it on its knees is humiliating. They both generate outrage and the need to set things 'right'. This is only an example of the often unnoticed practical and theoretical consequences of the anthropomorphic language we all use when referring to states in terms of (for example) 'weak' and 'strong' actors who 'suffer', are 'honored', are 'humiliated', have 'pride' and aspire to 'glory'. This language obscures the fact that, oftentimes, when a weak state challenges a strong one at a great cost to itself, we are not witnessing an epic of courage (as might be the case when a weak individual challenges a strong one), but rather the sacrifice of the interests, welfare and sometimes even the lives of multitudes of poor people, to the vanity of their elite. The very fact that this is being obscured biases the value structure of international relations theory, which is not only not value-free, but often has totalitarian values unintendedly built into it.

This article discusses EPT in political science research in three explanations, namely characteristics, strength-weakness, and challenges. EPT has four critical characteristics, i.e., deductive, empirical, theoretic-methodologist, and replication.EPT, as part of the empiricism approach, covers scientific elements (Hypotetico-Deductive) and theoretical-methodological elements. It also allowsreplication., where it can be applied to case-comparison at one theoretical building. However, Formal Model (FM) scholars criticize EPT since it too adopts natural science models. It also depends on the data to provethe relationship or influence between variables in the hypothesis. Nevertheless, the relations do not reflect the causal inference. Nonetheless, EPT contributes significantly to the development of political science research, and replication can be used to build new theories, at least the case comparisons.

The article of record as published may be located at http://www.jstor.org/stable/2625234 ; The recently published lectures by Martin Wight (1913-72) on the history thought regarding international politics are of exceptional importance. points out, the lectures answer a number of questions about what Wight 'traditions' and what his own position was with regard to their validity. analysis and organizing framework capture and clarify a complex historical greater justice and lucidity than many others that have been proposed. lectures place in perspective what has been the most indisputable criticism approach-his 'Eurocentrism' and neglect of non-Western traditions-opportunitiesforfurther research building on these foundations.