Suchergebnisse

'Mit der EU-Afrika-Strategie strebt die Europäische Union eine umfassende Partnerschaft mit Afrika an, deren wichtigstes Ziel Frieden und Sicherheit sind. Zeithorizont ist das Jahr 2015. Um Konflikte vorherzusehen, sie zu verhindern und im Konfliktfall zu vermitteln, soll die EU mit der AU, den subregionalen Organisationen und den einzelnen Ländern zusammenarbeiten. Es stellt sich auch die Frage, welche Eigenleistung die afrikanischen Länder im Rahmen von Friedensmissionen erbringen können. Mit Gründung der Afrikanischen Union (AU) im Jahr 2002 und der Einrichtung des Peace and Security Council (PSC) im März 2004 haben sich die afrikanischen Länder eine sicherheitspolitisch relevante Plattform geschaffen. Es wurde ein zweistufiger Zeitplan erarbeitet, der bis 2010 die Aufstellung einer für Peacekeeping-Einsätze geeigneten African Standby Force (ASF) vorsieht. In jeder der fünf Regionen (Nord-, Ost-, Südliches, West- und Zentralafrika) soll je eine Brigade für Friedensmissionen geschaffen werden. Wie sieht die gegenwärtige Sicherheitsarchitektur der AU aus, und wie weit sind die fünf Regionen bei der Umsetzung des selbstgesteckten Zeitplans vorangekommen? Welche Defizite bestehen, und wo liegen die Schlüsselfähigkeiten von Friedensmissionen in Afrika? Welche Chancen ergeben sich für die internationale Gemeinschaft und damit auch Deutschland, zur Verbesserung der Krisenmanagement-Fähigkeiten beizutragen? Da sich der Aufbau einer voll einsatzfähigen afrikanischen Standby Force über das Zieldatum 2010 hinaus verzögern wird, werden in dieser Studie verschiedene Ansätze herausgearbeitet, wie die internationale Geberschaft einschließlich Deutschlands den Aufbau der AU zu einem effizienten Instrument des Krisenmanagements unterstützen kann.' (Autorenreferat)

Does the fundamental contradiction of capitalist production lie between the capitalist relations of production & the capitalist productive forces? The view that it does is self-contradictory, & Marx did not hold that view. An attempt is made to establish these hypotheses through analysis of Marx's concepts of capitalist production relations & industrial productive forces. Given those concepts, it is inconceivable that the basic contradictions lie between the relations & the forces. Marx's theory of capitalist contradictions is sketched. The basic contradiction lies between 2 aspects of the production relations: the tendency of those relations to increase productivity endlessly, & the limit placed on such an increase by those same relations. AA.

Res on the changes in the soc structure of Ru areas in Poland has been conducted since 1947. The object of any definition of class is to differentiate the main soc forces in any society. The 2-class theory fails to present a complete picture of class differentiation, &, hence, is inadequate. The categorization of class defined in relation to the means of production is inapplicable for res on the stratification of a classless society. In the current res of the Instit, the concern has been with the analysis of class relations among peasants farming individually. These families were classified according to the ownership of the means of production as indicated both by area of the farms & the means of production. This classification shows that the peasantry is divided into diff classes & that the agri'al proletariat & the agri'al capitalists belong to antagonistic SC's. In situations where agriculture is based on private ownership, class differentiation occurs along proletariat-bourgeois lines, but this is expressed in diff ways in diff localities. The contrasting situations in 2 villages, Losiniec & Dyle, serve as illustrations. Losiniec has clearly defined diametrically opposed groups. In Dyle the diametrically opposed groups are small. The stratification diff's in 2 types of Ru unit-village & manor land-are striking. New types of villages which have arisen also present diff's in soc structure. Though the location, history, ethnic origin, customs, etc of given villages have definite influences, the basic diff's in the class division are a result of revolutionary transformations of ownership relations. Because individual villages do not exist & do not develop in vacuums, stratification studies need to explain the diff's in soc structure between regions & between the country as a whole & other countries. The processes shaping the soc structure of Ru areas during the transition period need to take into account not only the econ factors but also the soc & cultural conditions in the various regional & Ru units. B. J. Keeley.

In his article on global governance as a potentially hegemonic discourse, Ulrich Brand (2003) proposes & simultaneously criticizes that this pattern of interpretation of international politics is gaining predominance within the scientific as well as the political discourse. In agreement with Brand, I believe that hegemonic discourses on issues of international politics can have considerable potential in influencing the legitimacy of foreign policy strategies. As such, the potential dominance of one pattern of interpretation in the discourse on international politics is a highly relevant issue. However, the critique of global governance approaches addressed by Brand could only convince by reflecting both the theoretical & methodological dimensions of an analysis of hegemonic discourse. As will be shown, Brand largely ignores these dimensions in his analysis. His analysis therefore results in a construction of one discourse among many alternatives instead of plausibly outlining the hegemonic discourse on international politics. 40 References. Adapted from the source document.

Политическая ситуация в Египте привлекает внимание международной общественности с 2011 г., когда волна протестов так называемой «арабской весны» прокатилась по региону Ближнего Востока и Северной Африки. Вдохновленная демократическими лозунгами политического плюрализма, свободы слова, печати и религии египетская революция привела к политическому успеху исламистских групп, таких как Ан-Нур и «Братья-мусульмане», последние из которых пришли к власти в 2012 г. Однако представитель «Братьев-мусульман» Мухаммед Мурси занимал должность главы государства критически короткий срок: он был избран в конце июня 2012 г., а свергнут в начале июля 2013 г. в результате военного переворота, поддержанного всеми политическими силами Египта, а также египетским народом, который снова собрался на площади Тахрир. Против М. Мурси выступили не только люди, проголосовавшие за него год назад, но и политические силы, ранее поддержавшие «Братьев-мусульман». Это было обусловлено рядом факторов: экономическая ситуация в Египте не улучшилась, избранный демократическим путем президент выступил с откровенно недемократическими инициативами и т. д. Все эти факторы, очевидно, являются объективными причинами потери им власти. Но в египетской политической среде есть свои особенности, которые необходимо учитывать при исследовании причин и факторов свержения Мурси в 2013 г. Сформировавшись за последние 30 лет власти Хосни Мубарака, они твердо укоренились в египетском обществе и не могли быть одномоментно изменены после революции. В течение всего этого периода два ключевых игрока занимали лидирующие позиции в египетской политике: бизнес-элита и армия. Оба из них имели финансовую и социальную базу и влияли на общественное мнение в стране. После восстания политическая ситуация оказалась еще более сложной: возникло огромное количество новых партий. Все эти игроки имели большой вес в египетской политике и должны были приниматься во внимание президентом. Более того, его умение сформировать отношения с ними и заручиться их лояльностью было важным условием сохранения власти. Вместо этого М. Мурси вступил в конфронтацию с ведущими политическими силами Египта, что стало одним из факторов его свержения с поста президента в 2013 г. ; Political situation in Egypt has been attracting international attention since 2011, when the wave of protests of so-called Arab Spring swept through the region of Middle East and North Africa. Inspired by democratic slogans of political pluralism, freedom of speech, press and religion, Egyptian revolution led to the political success of the Islamist groups, such as An-Nour and Muslim Brotherhood, that came to power in 2012. The representative of Muslim Brotherhood Mohammed Morsi held his position of the head of the state for a critically short term: had been elected in the end of June 2012, he was overthrown in the beginning of July 2013 by military coup supported by all the political forces of Egypt as well as Egyptian people, who gathered again in the Tahrir Square. Eventually, the people who had voted for Morsi a year before turned against him as well as political forces that used to support Muslim Brotherhood. He didn't manage to prove his consistency as the president of the country. A number of factors led to this result. Economic situation in Egypt didn't improve, democratically elected president launched totally undemocratic initiatives, etc. All these factors may be considered as obviously objective reasons for loosing the power. But Egyptian political environment has specific features that should be taken into account while investigating the reasons and factors of Morsi overthrow in 2013. Had being shaped through previous 30 years of Hosni Mubarak power and firmly rooted in Egyptian society, they couldn't be changed simultaneously after the revolution. Two key players have been occupied leading positions in Egyptian politics during all this period: business elites and army. Both of them had financial and social base and influenced public opinion in the country. Political situation turned to be even more complicated with the vast number of new parties arouse after the revolt. All these players had an important part in Egyptian politics and should have been taken into account by the president. Moreover, his ability to form relationship with them and gain their loyalty was an important condition for maintaining power. Instead, M. Morsi started confrontation with the leading political forces of Egypt. Apparently, this wrong tactics resulted in his overthrow from the presidency in 2013.

The purpose of this work is to present a critical discussion of the food regime theory. This theory emerged in the late 1980s. It is an approach of political economy inspired by the theory of regulation to explain the strategic role of agriculture and food in the construction of the world capitalist economy. It identifies stable periods of capital accumulation associated with particular configurations of geopolitical power and conditioned by forms of agricultural production and consumption relations within and across national spaces. The thesis aims to show that the food regime approach offers a too limited framework to understand evolutionary dynamic of food systems in connection with globalisation. Indeed, on the one hand, it masks internal logics of the capitalist accumulation at the actor level, and, on the other hand, it does not integrate social dynamics of contestation, resistance to the current regime and search for alternatives. A reformulation of the regime concept in terms of transformation of the property relations of resources brings more insightful perspectives than the framework stemming from the theory of regulation. This work thus proposes a cross-sectional re-examination of the regimes from the point of view of enclosure and commodification process of the resources and an analysis of resistance dynamics and search for alternatives to the current regime. ; (SPED 3) -- UCL, 2012

The purpose of this work is to present a critical discussion of the food regime theory. This theory emerged in the late 1980s. It is an approach of political economy inspired by the theory of regulation to explain the strategic role of agriculture and food in the construction of the world capitalist economy. It identifies stable periods of capital accumulation associated with particular configurations of geopolitical power and conditioned by forms of agricultural production and consumption relations within and across national spaces. The thesis aims to show that the food regime approach offers a too limited framework to understand evolutionary dynamic of food systems in connection with globalisation. Indeed, on the one hand, it masks internal logics of the capitalist accumulation at the actor level, and, on the other hand, it does not integrate social dynamics of contestation, resistance to the current regime and search for alternatives. A reformulation of the regime concept in terms of transformation of the property relations of resources brings more insightful perspectives than the framework stemming from the theory of regulation. This work thus proposes a cross-sectional re-examination of the regimes from the point of view of enclosure and commodification process of the resources and an analysis of resistance dynamics and search for alternatives to the current regime. ; (SPED 3) -- UCL, 2012

It is argued that research in political geography can be enhanced through integrating methodological & philosophical elements from humanistic geography; changes in this direction are already evident. Contemporary currents in humanism are explored along with how & why they should be adopted by political geography. A working definition of humanistic political geography (HPG) is developed, & major concepts & themes are illustrated via a review of political science/geographical research in the area of international studies. A future research agenda is proposed. In Comments on "Towards a Humanistic Political Geography," Kenneth E. Boulding (U of Colorado, Boulder) argues that both structures & processes must be examined by geographers, the latter of which includes a space-time element & sense of history that is too often ignored. Hwa Yol Jung (Moravian Coll, Bethlehem, Pa) reviews the epistemological, methodological, & substantive aspects of HPG, with particular focus on how humanism is related to deep ecology, phenomenology, & technology. David B. Knight (Carleton U, Ottowa, Ontario) posits that there is a difference between a humanistic political geography & political geographers who are merely humanistic. The themes that Brunn & Yanarella propose for HPG are accepted, but placed in a different order of importance. Jim MacLaughlin (University Coll, Cork, Ireland) questions HPG's potential as a liberating discipline, since it cannot operate within a sociopolitical vacuum. A history of political geography is presented along with the political assumptions inherent in HPG. It is cautioned that HPG should resist applying too liberal a humanist perspective to the fields of ethnonationalism & national separatism. In Comments and Rejoinders, Ernie Yanarella & Stan Brunn address each comment in turn & reiterate the merits of HPG, particularly for peace research & ecostudies. 3 Tables, 258 References. K. Hyatt

"Using quantitative and qualitative approaches to economic policy analysis in developing countries, this book examines whether ODA policies actually contribute to economic growth and human development in low and middle-income countries. By advancing the debate as to which policy and legal provisions should be adopted by them, it demonstrates how to maximize the benefits and minimize the costs derived from the process of integrating international economic regimes"--

This paper addresses relations between Chile and Bolivia since 1904,year of the Treaty of Peace, and the 1960s, when conflict arises over the use of the waters of the Lauca River. Some integrationist historical events embarked in the adjoining regions of Tarapacá-Arica and Oruro, where the tension between region and nation-state can be observed are examined. The analysis focuses on the prominence of a diversity of political and social actors from the central states that encouraged and demanded greater integration with Bolivia. It is contended that those demands formed a cross-border regional political project in that period. The idea is to examine the significance and limitations of a series of regional practices of international significance, overshadowed or silenced by the official diplomacy, from the perspective of paradiplomacy as a social relationship or heterology. ; Este trabajo aborda las relaciones entre Chile y Bolivia desde 1904, año del Tratado de La Paz, y la década de 1960, cuando surge el conflicto por las aguas del río Lauca. Se analizan algunos hitos integracionistas emprendidos desde las regiones contiguas de Tarapacá-Arica y Oruro, donde se puede observar la tensión entre región y Estado nacional. El análisis se centra en el protagonismo de una pluralidad de actores políticos y sociales que promovieron y le demandaron al Estado central una mayor integración con Bolivia. Se sostiene que dichas demandas configuraron un proyecto político regional transfronterizo en el período señalado. Se pretende escudriñar en los alcances y limitaciones de una serie de prácticas regionales de alcance internacional, opacadas o silenciadas por la diplomacia oficial, interpretadas desde la perspectiva de la paradiplomacia como relación social o heterología.

Earl Russell, Previously Lord John Russell (1792-1878)Denmark and Germany (House of Lords, June 27, 1864); Chapter 10; Lord Stanley, Afterwards Earl of Derby (1826-93); Austria and Prussia (House of Commons, July 20, 1866); Chapter 11; John Bright (1811-89); Principles of Foreign Policy (Birmingham, October 29, 1858); Chapter 12; William Ewart Gladstone (1809-98); The Neutrality of Belgium (House of Commons, August 8 and 10, 1870) [By Kind Permission of Mr. H.N. Gladstone and Messrs. Wyman & Sons, Ltd.]; Right Principles of Foreign Policy (West Calder, Midlothian, November 27, 1879)

Cover ; Contents; Preface; Introduction; Chapter 1 -- A New Interpretative Framework of Foreign Policy: A Paradigm Shift; Chapter 2 -- The Nehruvian Legacy: Policy Anomalies and Policy Failure; Chapter 3 -- Extended Neighbourhood and Multilevel Alignments; Chapter 4 -- Modi and Xi Jinping's Slow Dance Towards Cooperation; Chapter 5 -- Pakistan Policy-Déjà Vu or Something New?; Concluding Reflections; Bibliography; Index; About the Authors