Suchergebnisse

THE FOLLOWING ARTICLE ANALYZES SOME OF THE LESSONS FOR TRADE AND NATIONAL SECURITY POLICY PRESENTED BY THE RECENT TRADE PETITIONS CONCERNING THE EFFECTS OF IMPORTS ON THE NATIONAL SECURITY. TWO RECENT KEY PRESIDENTIAL DECISIONS ON PETITIONS FOR RESTRICTIONS ON IMPORTS OF FERROALLOYS AND MACHINE TOOLS ARE DISCUSSED. THIS ARTICLE FIRST SUMMARIZES THE NSC STOCKPILE/INDUSTRIAL MOBILIZATION PLANNING STUDY, WHICH THE PRESIDENT USED TO SET GOALS FOR THE NATION'S STOCK OF CRITICAL AND STRATEGIC MATERIALS, AS WELL AS TO ESTABLISH INDUSTRIAL MOBILIZATION REQUIREMENTS. THE ADMINISTRATION USED THIS STUDY TO DEVELOP A GENERAL METHODOLOGY FOR ANALYZING PETITIONS FOR IMPORT RESTRICTIONS ON NATIONAL SECURITY GROUNDS. A DETAILED ACCOUNT OF THE CRITICAL EVENTS THAT LED TO THE DECISIONS TO INCREASE U.S. STOCKPILES OF FERROALLOYS AND NEGOTIATE A VOLUNTARY RESTRAINT AGREEMENT (VRA) FOR MACHINE TOOLS IS PRESENTED. PRESIDENTIAL DECISIONMAKING IN GENERAL IS ALSO DISCUSSED.

Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- H.gr. 156

Hundreds of intergov'al org's have been formed since 1815, & since 1945 non-gov'al internat org's have multiplied. Most of these have exercised or are exercising a marked influence upon politics. The United Nations itself fosters the development & the strengthening of pressure groups by maintaining connections with non-gov'al org's thru the Econ & Soc Council & by receiving petitions from various groups from dependent territories through the Council on Protectorates. UNESCO presupposes the formation of nat commissions representing educ, sci & cultural activities. Finally, a pressure group may be an individual who is playing a part in internat politics. The exact effects of pressure groups are difficult to analyze without a precise definition of such groups & some technique for measuring their influence. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.

Even though the six Western Balkan countries (WB6) have close political ties with the EU, their alignment with the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) has in­creasingly come into focus since the beginning of the Russian war of aggression in Ukraine. The EU should take a differentiated view of the WB6's political and security cooperation with external actors such as Russia, China and Turkey. Within the WB6, the two "outliers" of Serbia and Bosnia-Herzegovina's Republika Srpska use their for­eign and security relations with Russia to achieve their own political goals. While Serbia seeks support for its Kosovo policy, Republika Srpska is trying to get backing for its separatist tendencies. The WB6 are not expected to end their cooperation with the aforementioned external actors in the near future. Nonetheless, in today's shift­ing geopolitical arena, the EU must set priorities that bind the WB6's outliers to the CFSP. (Autorenreferat)

Recently in mass media we can find the idea about a new Silk Road or the concept of "Silk Road Economic Belt" which has been formulated by the Chinese PresidentXi Jinping on September 7,2013, during his official visit to Kazakhstan. This project is not only the creation of a transport, power and trade corridor, and also the project which will promote development of tourism in the region and to strengthening of cultural exchanges of China with the countries of Central Asia, it also includes construction of a network of high-speed fiber-optical networks. The economic strip of the Silk Road will begin in China and pass across the Central and the Southern Asia, part of branches across the territory of the Russian Federation and to leave to Europe. This international investment project assumes creation of a continental transport way. For implementation of overland part of "A great Silk Road is a three railway corridors (northern, central have to be constructed and southern) They have form a basis for development of other means of transport, including automobile subsequently. Construction of these three railway corridors acts as the most important and necessary stage of implementation of the project. The government of China declares that creation of an economic belt of the Silk way is a revival of once prospering trade-transport and cultural corridor from Asia to Europe which will promote activization of a friendly exchange between the people of the different countries. Further all this has to connect trade and economic space of Europe and Asia in a whole that has to serve implementation of deeper economic cooperation, between the countries participating in him, to increase in a trade turnover and expansion of scientific and technical exchanges between them.

One of the main problems of the Russian economy today is the development of the Arctic region. Given the key role of the energy sector in the economic balance of the country, as well as the problem of exhaustion of hydrocarbon resources, the Arctic is of particular interest from an economic and geopolitical point of view, ensuring the energy security of Russia. Active development of the region leads to the development of transport infrastructure, which is one of the priorities of Russia's energy policy. The issue of transportation plays a leading role in the context of the development of Arctic resources and involves a number of tasks. The first step is to ensure the safety of navigation in the Arctic ice. Also existing infrastructure needs substantial upgrading, as well as construction of new facilities (including ports, railways, roads, etc.). Of particular note is a unique transcontinental route - the Northern Sea Route. There is a need to modernize the Arctic Fleet, including the construction of modern icebreakers of the Arctic class. The current state of the port system, which does not fully meet the latest international standards, is of crucial importance as well. In addition, along the route the development of railway infrastructure is required. In addition, there is the problem of underdevelopment of the road network, which leads to a re-run and lack of access of some are as to the road network of Russia. Thus, the development of hydrocarbon resources in the Arctic region contributes to the development of infrastructure of the transport system in the region and, consequently, its economic development that contributes to the economic well-being of the country as a whole.

The article analyses the position of Gazprom on the key export market - the market of the European Union. Situation on the EU gas market changed considerably because of an imbalance between supply and demand. Gazprom had to make price concessions for almost all of the main consumers of Russian gas in Europe, and also had to allow European consumers to break one of the key provisions of long-term contracts - "take or pay" clause. Besides disputes at the corporate level significant differences still remain about the well-known Third energy package, which effectively prohibits Gazprom to own and operate gas pipelines on the territory of the EU, as well as binding it to provide a third party access to gas pipelines. The implementation of Third package provisions on function unbundling by some EU Member States in the most rigid version may contradict bilateral international agreements of Russia with the EU Member States, primarily agreements on investment protection. Possible reasons underlying the investigation initiated by the European Commission against Gazprom in connection with a possible violation ofEU competition rules are examined. The paper investigates legal, political and economic aspects of contemporary regime of gas cooperation, particularly restriction of reexport, linkage between gas and oil prices, pricing based on long-term contracts and spot markets. The paper concludes that Russia and the EU need to elaborate a comprehensive document that would ensure the stability of the regulatory environment of energy cooperation and would reflect the balance of interests of producers and consumers. This document should equally ensure highly competitive environment and guarantees of security of supply in the short and long term.

The processes of globalization have determined significant changes in the prerogatives of nation states. In the twenty-first century the state no longer acts as a sole subject having a monopoly of integrating the interests of large social communities and representing them on the world stage. An ever increasing role in the global political process is played by transnational and supranational participants. However, despite the uncertainty and ambiguity of the ways of the development of the modern world, it can be argued that in the foreseeable future it is the states that will maintain the role of the main actors in world politics and bear the responsibility for global security and development. All this naturally makes urgent the issues related to the search for optimal models of nation state development. The article analyzes approaches to understanding patterns, problems and prospects of the development of this institution existing in modern political science. These include the concept of "dimensionality" based on the parameters of scale (the size of the territory) of the states and their functions in the international systems, as well as the "political order". In the latter case the paper analyzes four models: the nation-state, statenation, consociation, quasi-state. The author's position consists in the substantiation of the close dependence of the success of a model of the state on its inner nature, i.e. statehood. On the basis of the elaborated approach the author understands statehood as "the result of historical, economic, political and foreign policy activity of a particular society in order to create a relatively rigid political framework that provides spatial, institutional and functional unity, that is, the condition of the society's own state, national political system." Thus statehood acts as a qualitative feature of the state.

Cyberangriffe sind zu zentralen Herausforderungen staatlicher Sicherheitspolitiken unserer Zeit geworden. Wie haben sich die Politiken in den Bereichen der Strafverfolgung, der nachrichtendienstlichen sowie militärischen Nutzung des Netzes entwickelt? Welche internationalen sowie domestischen Einflüsse haben die Entwicklungen geprägt? Der Autor geht diesen Fragen nach und analysiert die deutsche und britische Cybersicherheitspolitik seit den späten 1990er Jahren. Er zeigt, dass die Cybersicherheit sowohl die zwischenstaatlichen Beziehungen als auch die Relationen zwischen Regierungen und Bürger*innen beeinflusst.