Suchergebnisse

Utemeljen na polazištima kritički orijentiranih sigurnosnih studija i studija terorizma, rad propituje metodološke, epistemološke pa i ontološke aspekte fenomena državnog terorizma. Tvrdi se kako je državni terorizam sustavno zanemareno područje znanja o terorizmu, iako je empirijski vrlo evidentan fenomen. U prvom dijelu rada propituje se klasična i suvremena politološka, sociološka, pravna i filozofska misao važna za razumijevanje države, sigurnosti, terorizma i državnog terorizma. Počevši od Weberove definicije države kao nositeljice monopola na nasilje i njegova koncepta razlikovanja vladavine (Herrschaft) i sile (Macht) tvrdi se da monopol na silu ne podrazumijeva korištenje svakog oblika sile i da država ne može biti ekskulpirana u situacijama kada koristi silu koja ima sva obilježja terorizma. Upravo za ključnim obilježjima terorizma traga se u drugom dijelu rada gdje se analizira postojeće znanje o terorizmu i državnom terorizmu. Na temelju postojećih definicija koje čine bazu od ukupno 373 definicije, sadržajnom i frekvencijskom analizom, dolazi se do operacionalne definicije terorizma i državnog terorizma. Izlučenih šest konstitutivnih elemenata terorizma ukazali su da je državni terorizam organizirana upotreba sile i nasilja ili prijetnja upotrebom nasilja kojom se posredstvom intencionalnog širenja straha odnosno terora, a na temelju anticipiranih reakcija širih psiholoških učinaka, nastoje ostvariti politički ciljevi, a kojega provodi i/ili sponzorira država. U fokusiranoj studiji s mnogo slučajeva u trećem dijelu analizira se državni terorizam na empirijskim primjerima dvadeset i jedne države (N=21). Slučajevi su selektirani na stogodišnjem dijakronijskom kontinuumu, počevši od 1914. godine i sarajevskog atentata na austro-ugarskog prijestolonasljednika Franju Ferdinanda pa do recentnih primjera protuterorističkih politika. Kroz povijesnu perspektivu, komparativnom metodom uz primjenu dizajna najrazličitijih slučajeva, potvrđena je polazna pretpostavka: terorizam jest ciljno racionalno sredstvo za postizanje političkih ciljeva država i njegova je pojavnost neovisna o tipu političkog režima. Kvalitativna i kvantitativna obilježja državnog terorizma nerijetko se razlikuju kako između tako i unutar triju poduzoraka (režima), no usprkos kontekstualnim razlikama, može se utvrditi da je u totalitarnim režimima državni terorizmu ekstremnih razmjera i predstavlja važnu polugu vladavine, dok je u autoritarnima, a napose u demokratskima riječ o fokusiranijem državnom nasilju, najčešće sa specifičnim oblicima djelovanja. ; The basis of this doctoral work rests on the fact that the state terrorism is ignored in the context of mainstream security and terrorism knowledge. Security studies as well as rapidly growing terrorism studies are predominantly focused on non-state terrorism. Critical voices which indicating the importance of the state terrorism phenomenon have emerged in the mid-1990s. Based on the starting points of critically oriented security studies and terrorism studies, this work analyzes the methodological, epistemological and even ontological aspects of the phenomenon of state terrorism. It is argued that the state terrorism is systematically neglected area of knowledge, although it is very evident phenomenon. In the first part of this doctoral work the classical and the contemporary political, social, philosophical thought and jurisprudence important for the understanding of the state security, terrorism and state terrorism have been examined. Max Weber's concept of the state and difference between legitimate domination (Herrschaft) and coercive power (Macht) in the exercise of sovereign state functions is at the center of theoretical discussions. We claim that this distinction remained outside of much Western scholarship. Their concepts are based on logic of what the state and its relations to society should be not what it is. In contrast to this mainstream normative oriented model we examine the empirical reality which is laden of state terrorism examples. Therefore, the second part of this work is dedicated to analysis of existing knowledge about terrorism and state terrorism. The emphasis is on the definitions of terrorism, so for this purpose the database of 373 terrorism definitions was constructed. Definitions collected from the scientific and academic sources, the expert sources, the available official sources of various institutions and organizations, news, etc. were subjected to content and frequency analysis. Those analyses indicated six key elements used for defining state terrorism, which is relevant to the selection of empirical cases. It is found that the state terrorism is the use of organized force and violence or threat to use violence as a means of intentional spreading fear and terror based on the anticipated reactions of broader psychological effects which seeks to achieve political objectives and which is conducted and/or sponsored by the state. It is not an ideology, but the strategy and tactic that can be used by all, including the states. Despite the fact that the most of the definitios are actor-neutral and that their contents coincide, there is no unified definition. According to such understanding, the third part is a focused study with a lot of cases (N=21) where the unit of analysis was state terrorism and analytical sub-units were states (cases) selected from the one century time span (1914th-2014th) complemented with the most recent cases (until the end of 2016th). Thus, it is a diachronic analysis (cross-historical analysis). Since the selected cases differ in several relevant independent variables (social, economic, geographic, cultural) the comparative analysis is based on the most different systems research designs. The basic criterion of comparison was the regime (totalitarian, authoritarian and democratic) in accordance with the tipology of Juan Linz. The main aim of such typology and case selection was to test the general thesis: terrorism is an integral instrument of state action that occurs in all types of political regimes and which states used/use as a form of rational choice to achieve their goals. The third part includes political and sociological analysis of primary and secondary sources for each case (state). The analysis of state terrorism included Italy during Mussolini, Nazi Germany, Lenin and Stalin Russia/Soviet Union, communist Poland, Mao Zednog's China, North Korea regime and Idi Amin's Uganda as a totalitarian regimes. The second group of states are, according to Linz proposal, authoritarian regimes. Here is a Serbian example of state sponsored terrorism in Sarajevo 1914 and assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand. Another example is Yugoslavia from the mid of 1960 even if it is not purely clear is it predominantly totalitarian or authoritarian regime. Other examples are the rule of Francisco Franco in Spain, death squad in Argentina, Gaddafi's Libya, the rule of Shah Reza Pahlavi in Iran and Suadi Arabia sponsoring of terrorism. Within a democratic cluster the United States of America, Israel, United Kingdom, France, Russian Federation, modern Turkey and Macedonia were analysed. The main findings in turn suggest that the state terrorism was/is practiced in totalitarian, authoritarian and democratic systems, was/is used in war or peace, was/is used by the rich and the poor countries of different cultural, political, economic, geographic and other features. In other words, terrorism is an universal form of state action, but the specific context of each of the analyzed cases does not provide the right to generalize or compare countries according to the basic independent variables - the type of regime. Divided societies and various social cleavages like political (ideological), ethnic, cultural, language, religious, economic and other are evident in the most of the internal state terrorism cases. Although the contexts of countries are quite heterogeneous, in each case analyzed rationality is a common feature of state terrorism. Statet are trying to achieve political goals in the most effective way, what is decisively for using a specific form of violence or threats of violence that we call terrorism. Although it is one of the most frequently used terms in the social sciences, it is evident that terrorism is not conceptually cleared. It is deeply socially constructed concept which depends on a variety of interests. This also affects the contemporary counterterrorism policy. Within the science and policy, terrorism is predominantly viewed as a war and/or criminal. Terrorism is not treated as a phenomenon that is generated from the political area and counterterrorism policies do not target the real causes of terrorism. The perspective of terrorism as a war and crime which is imposed by politics that cooperates with science, leads to a spiral of violence. Illegal and immoral state counterterrorism actions lead to the even more brutal reactions of non-state groups. This trend is especially noticeable from September 9/11 when the "war on terror" started. From this moment it is especially evident that in the name of national security, the degradation of democratic values and endangering human rights and civil liberties have begun. This is best reflected in the new security policies, counterterrorism laws and the state of emergency institute. Also, the democratic deficits are obvious in the examples of interventions in other countries. Illegal character of the war in Iraq shows that international law is not a guarantee nor law nor justice. Those are some contemporary examples of state illegal actions which could be classified as state terrorism in democratic states, but the history is full of state terrorism evidence. Totalitarian and authoritarian regimes in the 20th century, as well as some actual examples, suggesting that the scientific community is biased and ignores the important historical facts as well as contemporary trends. By securitization of terrorism concept, the state harnessed science to its own interest – first of all creating counterterrorism policies. Instrumented science can act only within the limits defined by the state. The main characteristic of the joint state and scientific activity is hypocrisy where identical phenomena do not have identical names. State and science are taking a morally superior position, so state terrorist actions are called "necessary security measures", and terrorism as a pejorative term is reserved only for non-state actors. Further scientific and political ignoring of state terrorism topic, denying a unique definition of terrorism, refusing the recognition of state crimes that fall into the category of terrorism and insistence on counterterrorism as war strategy only feeds the modern evil of non-state terrorism. As long as there is not a change of paradigm in which the force will be firmly under the auspices of the law and policy of double standards will not exist, it is not realistic to expect that the state will eliminate the problem of contemporary non-state terrorism.

The aim of this paper is to portray the effects of individual entrepreneurial orientation of the faculty (professors, teaching assistants and researchers) on entrepreneurial outcomes and outputs of Serbian higher education institutions. Particular objective of the paper is to examine and explore how research mobilization, unconventionality, industry collaboration and university policies affect entrepreneurial outcomes – joint research agreements, contractual agreements, consulting activities, establishment of spin-offs and patenting. For this purpose, primary data were collected at Serbian public universities. In total, 552 respondents correctly fulfilled the questionnaire specifically designed to meet the purpose of the study. The results indicate that entrepreneurial orientation plays a statistically significant role in entrepreneurial outcomes. However, entrepreneurial orientation is more important in commercial than non-commercial research outcomes. ; Cilj je ovoga rada prikazati utjecaj individualne poduzetničke orijentacije akademika (profesora, asistenata i istraživača) na poduzetničke ishode srpskih institucija visokoga obrazovanja. Posebna zadaća ovoga rada bila je ispitati i istražiti kako pokretanje istraživanja, nekonvencionalnost, suradnja s industrijom i sveučilišna politika djeluju na rezultate u poduzetništvu – zajedničke istraživačke sporazume, ugovorna istraživanja, aktivnosti savjetovanja, osnivanje tvrtki kćeri (spin-off) i patentiranje. Za tu svrhu sakupljeni su primarni podatci na srpskim državnim sveučilištima. Ukupno je 552 ispitanika točno ispunilo upitnike osmišljene za potrebe ovoga istraživanja. Rezultati pokazuju da poduzetnička orijentacija ima statistički značajnu ulogu u poduzetničkim ishodima te da je poduzetnička orijentacija važnija u komercijalnim nego u nekomercijalnim istraživačkim ishodima.

U članku se razmatraju empirijski potkrijepljeni nalazi o trendovima, pitanjima i perspektivama političke znanosti koji su izloženi u radovima unutar biblioteke Istraživačkog odbora br. 33 Međunarodnog udruženja za političku znanost (IPSA-e) pod naslovom "Svijet političke znanosti: razvoj discipline" te na konferenciji IPSA-e održanoj u Montrealu 2008. o "Novim teorijskim i regionalnim perspektivama političke znanosti". Jedno je od pitanja koje se razmatra u ovoj analizi snaga i slabosti političke znanosti kao discipline – je li ona uopće relevantna za svijet koji nas okružuje, i ako nije, zašto nije? Golim je okom vidljivo da u usporedbi s, primjerice, ekonomijom kao znanošću (Predsjednik Obama ima tri savjetodavna vijeća) politička znanost razmjerno manje zanima kreatore javnih politika, medije i javnost. Stoga se pitamo je li politička znanost u raskoraku sa svijetom, i ako jest, što se može s tim u vezi učiniti? ; This paper arises from the empirical evidence about trends, issues and perspectives in political science to be found in the International Political Science Association's (IPSA) Research Committee 33 book series entitled: The World of Political Science: Development of the Discipline and the papers presented at the 2008 Montreal Conference of the IPSA on New Theoretical and Regional Perspectives on International Political Science. One of the issues raised by this analysis of the discipline's strengths and weaknesses is the question of whether political science is relevant to the outside world and if not, why not? It is evident to the naked eye that in comparison with, say, economists (President Obama has three advisory councils), political science is of relatively little interest to policy-makers, the media and the public. We have to ask if political science is out of step with the world and, if so, what might be done about it?

Ljudska prava su temeljni standardi koje država mora jamčiti i osigurati svakom pojedincu. Osim zadovoljavanja bioloških potreba ona uključuju i sve druge uvjete života koji svakom pojedincu omogućuju da u potpunosti razvije i rabi svoje potencijale te da zadovoljava svoje društvene potrebe. Ljudima je trebalo puno vremena da prihvate činjenicu kako se ljudska prava odnosena sva ljudska bića, bez iznimke. I dijete je ljudsko biće i kao takvo treba uživati sva prava kao i odrasla osoba; djeca ih ne moraju "posebno" zaslužiti, i ona im se ne moraju "posebno" dati. No s obzirom na tjelesnu i psihičku nezrelost nametnula se potreba isticanja posebnih prava djeteta na zaštitu koja proizlaze upravo iz te činjenice. Obitelj je bila i ostala primarna zajednica čija je zadaća osigurati optimalne uvjete za rast i razvoj djeteta. Otuda njena važnost i nezamjenjivost sa stajališta pojedinca, ali i sa stajališta čitave društvene zajednice. Naravno, iz toga proizlazi da je obiteljska uloga najvažnija i u dječjem oblikovanju stavova i uvjerenja o njihovim pravima. Da bi se razumjela ljudska prava, a time i osposobilo za bolji život, potrebno je obrazovanje za ljudska prava koje treba započeti od najranije dobi. U tome bi se trebalo krenuti od prava djeteta, s obzirom na to da su ta prava djeci i mladima bliža. Obrazovanje za ljudska prava, učenje je koje razvija znanje i vještine, kao i vrijednosti za ljudska prava. Samo osobe koje razumiju ljudska prava radit će na osiguranju i obrani svojih i tuđih ljudskih prava.Empirijski dio rada odnosi se na rezultate koji su dobiveni istraživanjem kako adolescenti procjenjuju poštivanje svojih prava u obitelji, i to na uzorku od 104 ispitanika polaznika Ekonomsko-birotehničke škole u Splitu. Ukupno gledajući, dobiveni su rezultati pokazali da su mladi zadovoljni razinom poštivanja njihovih prava u obitelji. ; Human rights are the basic standards which government has to guarantee and provide to each individual. Except satisfying biological needs, human rights include all other life conditions that enable every individual complete development and ability to use their potentials in order tosatisfy their social needs.People needed a lot of time to accept the fact that human rights relate to every human being with no exceptions. Children are human beings, and as such should have the benefits of rights as the adults; neither do children have to deserve them nor should the rights be given to them.But, in a view of children's physical and psychological immaturity, the necessity of emphasizing special children's rights for protection imposed and rights derived exactly from that fact. The family was and is the primary community with the task of ensuring optimal conditions for child's growth and development. Therefore derives its significance and irreplaceability form individual's point of view, but also from community's point of view. Of course, it follows from this that the family's role is the most important in shaping children's attitudes and beliefs about their rights. In order to understand human rights, and thus enable better life it is necessary to start with the human rights education from an early age. It should start with children's rights, considering that these rights are closer to children and young people. Education for human rights is a study which develops knowledge, skills and values for human rights. Only people who understand human rights will work to secure and defend their own and others' human rights.The empirical part of the work refers to the results, which were obtained in a study that dealt with adolescents' assessment of respect for their rights within the family taken on a sample of 104 respondents who are students of Economic-administrative school in Split. Overall, obtained results showed that young people are satisfied with the level of respect for their rights in the family.

Glavni cilj ovog istraživanja je analizirati trgovinske tijekove roba i usluga Slovenije s ostatkom svijeta od pridruživanja Europskoj uniji (EU) u svibnju 2004. godine. Empirijsko istraživanje provedeno je primjenom Grangerovog testa uzročnosti i Vektorskog modela korekcije pogrešaka (VECM) koristeći tromjesečne podatke od 2005. do 2017. godine. Primijenjeni Hansen i Seo (2002) test potvrdio je pretpostavku linearnosti između promatranih varijabli i prikladnost empirijskog pristupa u radu. Rezultati istraživanja ukazuju na dominaciju uvoza nad izvozom u trgovinskom obrascu slovenskog gospodarstva i pozitivnu trgovinsku bilancu s ostatkom svijeta od vremena njenog pristupanja Europskoj uniji. ; The main aim of this research is to examine Slovenian trade flows in goods and services with the rest of the world since joining the European Union (EU) in May 2004. We applied Granger causality test and Vector Error Correction Model (VECM) on quarterly data from the first quarter of 2005 up to the first quarter of 2017. Applied Hansen and Seo (2002) test confirmed the assumption of linearity in the relationship between the variables under consideration and therefore the appropriateness of the empirical approach for the purpose of this paper. The research results indicate importing to exporting as a dominant trade pattern in the Slovenian economy and successful trade balance with the rest of the world since Slovenia joined the EU.

Povećanje stope kriminala dovodi do povećanja osjećaja straha i tjeskobe u društvu i narušavanja društvenog poretka i sklada u zemlji. U posljednjim desetljećima mnogi znanstvenici opisuju pad gospodarskih čimbenika kao što su BDP po glavi stanovnika, stope nezaposlenosti, siromaštvo itd., kao primarni pokretači kriminala kako u razvijenim tako i u zemljama u razvoju. Čak i tijekom razdoblja gospodarskih kriza, stopa kriminala u Europskoj uniji (EU) nastavila je opadati ili ostaje ista, dovodeći u pitanje utjecaj ekonomskih čimbenika na stopu kriminala u EU. U radu se ispituje utjecaj promjenjivih gospodarskih uvjeta na stopu kriminala u zemljama EU-a uz primjenu danas široko korištenih ekonomskih metoda za rješavanje problema endogenosti. Cilj je rada empirijski procijeniti odnos između stope kriminala i ekonomskih čimbenika, koristeći prethodno razvijene metode. Nakon niza provjera robusnosti, procjene nisu pružile dokaz značajne povezanosti između ekonomskih uvjeta i stope kriminala tijekom posljednjeg desetljeća u zemljama EU-a, osim ubojstava u nekim specifikacijama modela. ; Higher crime rates lead to the increasing fear and anxiety in society and disturb the social structure and harmony in the country. In the last decades, many scientists depict a decrease in economic factors, such as GDP per capita, unemployment rate, poverty, etc. as the primary drivers of crime both in developed and in developing countries. Even during the periods of economic crises, crime rates in the European Union (EU) continued to either decline or remain the same, thus bringing into question the impact of economic factors on crime rates in the EU. The paper examines the impact of changing economic conditions on crime rates in EU countries, employing nowadays vastly used methods in economics to address endogeneity. The aim of the paper is to empirically estimate the relationship between crime rates and economic factors, using previously developed methods. After a series of robustness checks, estimations did not provide evidence of a significant relationship between economic conditions and crime rates over the last decade in EU countries, except for homicides in some model specifications.

Enormna opterećenost bolestima, lošim ishodima učenja u visokom obrazovanju u Južnoj Africi i njihova interakcija u smislu utjecaja na produktivnost ljudskih resursa iziskuju istraživanja za konkretne smjernice u okviru politike. U tom smislu, svrha ovog rada je istražiti ovaj odnos, zajedno s drugim čimbenicima, promatrajući ljudske resurse iz perspektive zdravlja, upisa u visoko obrazovanje (HEE) i diplomiranih studenata visokog obrazovanja (HEG). U istraživanju se primjenjuje model vremenskih serija s autoregresijskim distribuiranim pomacima (ARDL) s podacima koji obuhvaćaju razdoblje od 1980. do 2015. godine. Studija je pokazala da, dok BDP raste, stope zaposlenosti i HEE imaju pozitivan učinak na produktivnost u Južnoj Africi; kapital i životni vijek su inverzni u odnosu na produktivnost. Naime, rezultati ovog istraživanja potvrđuju hipotezu da bez odgovarajućeg školskog sektora usmjerenog na potrebne vještine, široko rasprostranjena antiretroviralna terapija u prevenciji HIV-a stanovništva, a s tim i njihovo preživljavanje, negativno utječe na produktivnost. Nadalje, rezultati potvrđuju da uključivanje u obrazovanje djeluje pozitivno na produktivnost, jer obuhvaća pojedince koji su djelomično vješti u programima potrebnim gospodarstvu. Naposljetku, potvrđena je i hipoteza da su ishodi učenja diplomskih studija negativni u odnosu na produktivnost zbog neusklađenosti vještina diplomanata i potreba gospodarstva. Stoga se predlaže da se u okviru politike za povećanje produktivnosti u Južnoj Africi, poduzmu zajednički napori u školskom i zdravstvenom sektoru. ; The huge burden of diseases, poor higher educational outcomes in South Africa and their interaction on affecting productivity of human capital requires investigation for a context –specific policy advice. To this effect, the purpose of this paper is to investigate this relationship, alongside other factors, viewing human capital from the perspective of health, higher education enrolment (HEE) and higher education graduates (HEG). The study adopts time series autoregressive distributive lag (ARDL) with data covering the period 1980 - 2015. The study has found that, while GDP grows, employment rates and HEE have a positive impact on productivity in South Africa; capital stock and life expectancy exhibited an inverse relationship with productivity. These findings support the hypothesis that widespread antiretroviral therapy and resulting survival, without corresponding school sector focus on needed skills, relate negatively to productivity. The findings further support that enrolments affect positively productivity because they comprise individuals who are partly skilled in programs needed by the economy. Finally, they support the hypothesis that graduate outputs relate negatively to productivity because of mismatch of graduation skills and the economy's need. As a policy suggestion, combined effort at school and health sector is needed in South Africa for increased productivity.

Tradicionalna hipoteza životnog ciklusa vjeruje da starenje stanovništva ne samo da smanjuje razinu društvene štednje, već negativno utječe i na gospodarski rast. Međutim, čimbenik ljudskih kapitala može promijeniti mehanizam utjecaja na promjene strukture stanovništva. Ova studija pokušava se usredotočiti na specifičan čimbenik poboljšanja zdravih ljudskih kapitala (HHC), endogenim tretmanom stope plodnosti i stope preživljavanja, s obzirom na očekivanu starosnu dob racionalnog pojedinca, kako bi se, de facto, istražio njegov utjecaj na stopu štednje i gospodarski rast uz primjenu panel podataka među-provincija Kine od 1996. do 2012. godine u cilju provjere inherente logičke veze između brzog poboljšanja HHC-a i modela "visokog rasta s visokim uštedama". Rezultati ovog istraživanja su sljedeći: poboljšanje HHC-a važan je čimbenik koji utječe na povećanje stope štednje i gospodarski rast Kine u odgovarajućem razdoblju. To znači da je poboljšanje HHC-a dovoljno da promijeni mehanizam makro-učinaka demografskih promjena, te stoga pruža ključna sredstva za dugoročnu regulaciju i kontrolu koja su izvan okvira natalitetne politike. Među njima značajnu pozornost zaslužuju promicanje javnog upravljanja zaštitom okoliša, poboljšanje sustava socijalne sigurnosti, jačanje individualnih očekivanja u svezi zdravlja i poticanje očekivanog obrasca starenja stanovništva uz postizanje povezanosti s ulaganjima u obrazovni ljudski kapital. ; The traditional life cycle hypothesis believes that the aging of population will not only drag down the level of social savings, but also adversely affect economic growth. However, the human capital factor may change the influence mechanism of population structure change. This study attempts to focus on a specific factor of improving healthy human capital (HHC), through endogenous treatment of fertility rate and survival rate, considering the aging expectation of rational man, to explore its effect de facto on savings rate and economic growth while using the inter-provincial panel data of China from 1996 to 2012 to verify the inherent logical relationship between the rapid improvement of HHC and the "high savings-high growth" model. The findings of this research are as follows: The improvement of HHC is an important factor to improve China's savings rate and economic growth in corresponding period. It means that the improvement of HHC is enough to alter the mechanism of macro-impact of demographic changes, and therefore constitutes a crucial long-term regulation and control means outside the adjustment of birth policy. Among them, promoting public environmental governance, improving the social security system, strengthening individual expectations for health and driving the expected behavior of aging while achieving linkages with investment in educational human capital are worthy of attention.

U ovom istraživanju ispitana je realna ekonomska aktivnost i monetarna politika SAD-a u usporedbi s vanjskotrgovinskom bilancom i valutnim tečajevima, primjenjujući modele Qual VAR i nelinearni VAR model. Ustanovili smo da međunarodno poslovanje s Brazilom, Kanadom i Meksikom ne dovodi do moguće recesije u SAD-u. Vrijednost domaće valute Brazila, Kanade i Meksika u odnosu na američki dolar ne pridonosi mogućoj recesiji na deviznom tržištu. Također smo pokazali da će kontrakcija američke ekonomije i kontrakcijska monetarna politika dovesti do aprecijacije američkog dolara vodeći do priljeva kapitala. Iako negativna stopa federalnih fondova (shadow interest rate) može imati asimetrične učinke na vanjskotrgovinsku bilancu s Kanadom i USD / CAD-om, smatramo da će vanjskotrgovinska bilanca s Meksikom i USD / MXN biti pozitivno ili negativno uvjetovana povećanjem odnosno smanjenjem stope federalnih fondova. ; In this study, the real economic activity and monetary policy in the US are examined in comparison with the foreign trade balance and exchange rates, using Qual VAR and nonlinear VAR models. We found that the foreign trade with Brazil, Canada and Mexico do not lead to a possible recession in the US. The value of the domestic currency of Brazil, Canada and Mexico against the US dollar does not contribute to a possible recession over the foreign exchange market. We also show that a contraction in the US economy and contractionary monetary policy will lead to the appreciation of the US dollar by leading to capital inflows. Although the shadow interest rate may have asymmetric effects on the foreign trade balance with Canada and USD/CAD, we find that the foreign trade balance with Mexico and USD/MXN will be affected positively/negatively by an increase/decrease in the shadow interest rate.

The analysis is focused on punctual examination of the analytical potential of theory as regards the empirical sphere. For this purpose, the author opted for theoretical theses regarding the internationalization of capitalism and the case of Croatia. Unlike the usual scientific practice, in which the theoretical framework is perceived as a pre-formalised and static element of the research design, it is postulated in this paper that a different understanding of the theoretical perspective is possible and analytically useful. Such an understanding is based on dynamisation, flexibilisation and opening up of the theoretical horizon with a view of reflecting the particularities of the empirical sphere. Here the potential of theoretical insights is examined simultaneously with the conducting of empirical analysis. In this approach, which partly relies on the Grounded Theory and symbolic interactionism, the reexamination of the potential of theory is not limited to the research design stage. No, it is perceived as a process the course of which is intense even while the empirical analysis is conducted. Accordingly, it is assumed that the usual way does not make possible a sufficient reflection of the particular traits and surprises in the empirical field, for the following reasons: a) the character of the theoretical theses determined in advance is too general, and/or b) the theses are extrapolated from socially and historically different, or, at best, somewhat similar empirical cases. Furthermore, every pre-determined theoretical focusing simultaneously implies a reduction of perspective which should be avoided through recognition of empirical circumstances. In addition to putting forward a methodology of examination, the demonstrated approach to examining the potential of theoretical theses is oriented toward identification of the possibilities and limits of the chosen theoretical apparatus. The examination of possibilities and limits is understood as the basis of theoretisation, with the aim of generating theoretical fragments of concepts which would be able to reflect the peculiar and new empirical circumstances. Adapted from the source document.

Društvena okolina koja obuhvaća građane u širem smislu vrlo je heterogeno i dinamično područje okoline upravne organizacije. Njezino je značenje za funkcioniranje upravnih organizacija u stalnom porastu jer je suvremena javna uprava izložena sve snažnijim zahtjevima za uvažavanje mišljenja građana. Ovaj se rad bavi analiziranjem društvene okoline upravnih organizacija u Hrvatskoj na temelju analize obilježja sudionika e-savjetovanja kao neposredno zainteresiranih građana za sudjelovanje u izradi propisa i politika. Obilježja sudionika koja se analiziraju obuhvaćaju njihov broj, strukturu (vrsta sudionika) i vrstu komentara koje upućuju, a pokazatelji su intenziteta, stupnja organiziranosti i stupnja kompetentnosti relevantne društvene okoline upravnih organizacija. Empirijski su podaci prikupljeni metodom kvantitativne analize sadržaja izvješća o provedenim e-savjetovanjima od 2016. do 2018. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju kako obilježja društvene okoline ovise o organizacijskim faktorima – razini političko-upravnog sustava na kojoj djeluje organizacija te njezinoj vrsti i funkciji. Osim toga, pokazuje se povezanost između samih obilježja društvene okoline – organiziranosti i kompetentnosti. ; Social context, which refers to the public / citizens, is a very heterogeneous and dynamic area of administrative organizations' environment. Its relevance for the functioning of administrative organizations is constantly increasing in contemporary public administration due to expanding requirements for responsiveness towards citizens' preferences. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the social context of Croatian administrative organizations by analysing the characteristics of participants in e-consultations, i.e., the public involved in the process of policy formulation. Analysed characteristics include the number of participants, their structure (type of stakeholder,) and the type of comments they submit. These characteristics represent indicators of the intensity, organization degree, and the level of competence of the relevant social environment of administrative organizations. Empirical research encompassed quantitative content analysis of e-consultation reports in the period 2016-2018. The research findings suggest that the characteristics of social context are largely determined by organizational factors - the level of politico-administrative system, the type, and the function of an organization. In addition, it appears that the characteristics of social context (the level of organization and competence) are interrelated, too.

Rad se temelji na empirijskome istraživanju kojemu je polazna teza tvrdnja da trenutačno važeći Izborni zakon ne može ispuniti zahtjeve segmentirana bosanskohercegovačkog društva, posebice najmalobrojnijega hrvatskog segmenta. Istraživanje koncipirano na osnovi anketnoga upitnika i empirijske analize pokazalo je da je promišljanje Hrvata o ukupnoj društvenoj i političkoj situaciji u Bosni i Hercegovini izrazito negativno. Pokazalo se da Izborni zakon preferira unitarizaciju Bosne i Hercegovine, što nije primjereno segmentiranim društvima kao što je bosanskohercegovačko. Terensko istraživanje urađeno je na prostoru cijele Bosne i Hercegovine kako bi se dobio kompletan i relevantan empirijski okvir promišljanja hrvatskoga naroda, a struktura istraživanja pratila je administrativno-teritorijalnu uređenost Bosne i Hercegovine uzimajući u obzir entitetske razine, županije te Distrikt Brčko. ; The paper is based on empirical research structured on the claim that the current Election Law cannot fulfill the requirements of the segmented Bosnian-Herzegovinian society, especially the smallest Croatian segment. The research conceived on the basis of questionnaire and empirical analysis showed that the opinion of Croats on the overall social and political situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina is extremely negative. The Election Law has proved to prefer unitarization of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which is not appropriate for segmented societies such as Bosnian and Herzegovinian. Field research was conducted throughout entire country in order to obtain a complete and relevant empirical framework for opinion of the Croatian people, and the research structure followed the administrative-territorial organization of Bosnia and Herzegovina, taking into account entity levels, cantons and Brčko District.