Suchergebnisse

Ovaj rad postavlja sljedeće pitanje: Je li Adam Smith konzervativac? Smith se obično smatra jednim od glavnih autora liberalne tradicije, ali mnoge njegove teze imaju snažnu konzervativnu notu. Iako se često zauzima za pojedinca i za pojedinčeve sposobnosti da bude protagonist vlastite povijesti, Smith istovremeno taj prostor ograničava, argumentirajući u prilog nesposobnosti tih istih pojedinaca da svoje djelovanje razumiju, te argumentirajući u prilog tome da ih se društveno kontrolira i disciplinira. Tri se teme problematiziraju: (1) Smithova metafora nevidljive ruke, (2) pitanje institucionalnog dizajna i (3) pitanje društvene hijerarhije. Ovaj rad upućuje na određene tenzije koje postoje kod Adama Smitha, u škotskom prosvjetiteljstvu i u suvremenoj liberalnoj tradiciji koja je, u velikoj mjeri, sagrađena na tim temeljima. ; This article asks the following question: Is Adam Smith a conservative? Smith is usually seen as a key author of the liberal tradition, but some of his claims have a strong conservative overtone. Although he frequently defends the individual and his capacity to be the agent of his own history, Smith simultaneously limits this space, arguing that the very same individuals are incapable of understanding their own action, and arguing in favor of socially controlling and disciplining them. Three themes are discussed: (1) Smith's metaphor of the invisible hand, (2) the question of institutional design, and (3) the question of social hierarchy. This article points towards certain tensions in the work of Adam Smith, the Scottish enlightenment, and the liberal tradition which was built, to a large extent, on these foundations.

Krajem sedamnaestog stoljeća, sve više »radikalnih mislilaca« počelo je govoriti o tome da su uobičajena shvaćanja boga nekoherentna, djetinjasta i antropomorfna, zbog čega su ih njihovi suvremenici smatrali ateistima iako ih danas vjerojatno nitko ne bi tako okarakterizirao. Jedno je sigurno – definicija je ateista imala različita značenja u različitim vremenima. Znamo da su zbog toga mnogi autori anonimno objavljivali svoja djela ili su ona objavljivana nakon njihove smrti, a jedan od takvih autora bio je i Jean Meslier. On je bio svećenik koji je napisao knjigu Testament, u kojoj je razvio temeljan materijalistički i ateistički pogled na svijet. Pored toga, napao je Crkvu, kršćanstvo, Isusa, boga, aristokraciju, monarhiju, »stari režim« itd. Rad analizira povijesni kontekst u kojem je Meslier živio, njegovu biografiju i stavove o politici, crkvi, etici, materijalizmu i ateizmu. ; During the end of the 17th century, more and more "radical thinkers" began to speak about how common understanding of god was being incoherent, childish, and anthropomorphic. Because of that, their contemporaries saw them as atheists, although today probably nobody would characterize them as such. One thing is for certain – the definition of atheist had different meanings in different times. We know that many authors published their works anonymously or after their death, and one of those writers was Jean Meslier. He was a priest who wrote a book titled Testament, in which he developed a thorough materialistic and atheistic worldview. Besides that, he attacked the Church, Christianity, Jesus, God, aristocracy, monarchy, "ancient regime" etc. The paper analyses historical context in which Meslier lived, his biography, and his thoughts on politics, Church, ethics, materialism, and atheism.

U Varaždinu je između dvaju svjetskih ratova postojala intenzivna knjižnična djelatnost. Većina značajnijih knjižnica bila je zatvorenog tipa, a djelovale su u sklopu različitih varaždinskih društava. Društva Narodna čitaonica, Jugoslavensko akademsko društvo "Tomislav" i Radničko prosvjetno-kulturno društvo "Sloboda" u međuratnom razdoblju imali su knjižnice te su putem knjiga, novina, časopisa, predavanja i ostalih aktivnosti marljivo radili na širenju kulture i prosvjećivanju Varaždinaca. Kako bi knjige, novine te časopisi postali dostupni i širim društvenim slojevima, početkom 1919. godine osnovana je Gradska pučka knjižnica zahvaljujući inicijativi Gradskoga poglavarstva, Narodne čitaonice i Jugoslavenskog akademskog društva "Tomislav". Štoviše, neko vrijeme nakon završetka II. svjetskog rata upravo je ujedinjenjem knjižne imovine međuratne Gradske pučke knjižnice, Narodne čitaonice i Radničkog kulturno-umjetničkog društva "Sloboda" nastala nova institucija imena Knjižnica i čitaonica "Sloboda". ; In Varaždin, the period between the two world wars was marked by intense activities involving libraries. The majority of significant libraries were closed stack libraries functioning within various Varaždin societies. During the interwar period the National Reading Room, Yugoslav Academic Society "Tomislav" and Workers' Educational and Cultural Society "Sloboda" had their own libraries, and through books, newspapers, magazines, lectures and other activities they worked diligently on broadening the culture and education in Varaždin. In order to make books, newspapers and magazines accessible to all society layers the Public Town Library was founded at the beginning of the 19th century due to the initiative of the Town Government, National Reading Room and Yugoslav Academic Society "Tomislav". Moreover, some time after the end of the Second World War library items belonging to the Public Town Library, National Reading Room and Workers' Educational and Cultural Society "Sloboda" functioning in the interwar period, were merged for the purpose of founding a new institution named Library and Reading Room "Sloboda".

U ovom članku nastoji se odgovoriti na pitanje tko su intelektualci i koliko su potrebni dru­štvu i Crkvi? Naime, bezbroj intelektualaca, među njima i teolozi, sudjelovalo je i sudjeluje u stvaranju i podržavanju destruktivnih suvremenih ideologija, religijskih fanatičnih pokreta i ciničnih politika. U bivšim socijalističkim zemljama angažirani humanisti, glavni nositelji slobode, disidenti i stradalnici, često su bili upravo intelektualci. U postsocijalističkim društvima i državama, pogotovo u našima na jugoistoku Europe, pogođenim ratovima i nacionalizmima te zahvaćenim tržišnom i konzumerističkom površnošću, intelektualci/teolozi su uz političare među najvećim kočničarima humanizacije društva: isključuju moral iz politike, odbacuju samokritičnost, građansku hrabrost te proročku dimenziju vjere. ; The aim of this paper is to provide an answer to the question of who are intellectuals and how much are they needed to society and the Church? Countless intellectuals, among them also theologians, played a role in creating and sustaining destructive regimes of contemporary ideologies, fanatical religious movements and cynical politics. In former socialist countries, active humanists, the main carriers of freedom, dissidents and sufferers, were often intellectuals. In postsocialist societies and countries, especially in Southeastern Europe, struck by war and nationalism, and overwhelmed with triviality of consumer's society, intellectuals/theologians are, next to politicians, the strongest barriers against humanization of society: they exclude morals from politics, they reject self­criticsm, civil bravery and prophetic dimension of faith.

Plemićka vojna akademija u Bečkom Novom Mjestu otvorena je 1752. o državnom trošku, a cilj habsburških vlasti bio je da bude komplementarna viteškoj akademiji Terezijanumu (osnovan 1746. pod isusovačkom upravom). Naime, ondje su se školovali mladi plemići za rad u civilnoj službi, dok je Bečko Novo Mjesto bilo namijenjeno obrazovanju časnika. Marija Terezija osigurala je stipendije za četristotinjak kadeta iz siromašnijih plemićkih obitelji, kao i za sinove zaslužnih časnika koji su dokazali lojalnost u vojnoj službi. Prije Plemićke akademije dječaci mlađi od 14 godina pohađali su tzv. Pripremnu vojnu školu u Beču. Obje ustanove spojene su 1769. u c. i k. Terezijansku vojnu akademiju. Učiteljski kadar, koji je isprva bio samo svjetovni, tj. časnički, nastavljao je tradiciju humanističkih i baroknih viteških akademija te usvajanja "viteških vještina i vojnih vrlina" koje su bile usmjerene više na fizičku spremnost nego na stjecanje suvremenih znanja o ratovanju koja su bila potrebna za profesionalizaciju vojske. U radu se prikazuju reforme i promjene koje su se provodile na Akademiji za vrijeme Marije Terezije i Josipa II. u nastojanju da se osuvremeni časničko obrazovanje i da se uz pomoć prosvjetiteljskih načela razvije nadnacionalni "austrijski patriotizam" koji bi bio glavni temelj lojalnosti budućih časnika. Ta nastojanja kulminirala su za vrijeme uprave prosvijetljenog pedagoškog pisca, austrijskog generala i češkog grofa Franza Josepha Kinskog (1779.-1805.), čiji su odgajateljski koncepti i djelovanje opširnije predstavljeni. ; The Noble Military Academy at Wiener Neustadt was opened in 1752 at state expense, and the aim of the Habsburg authorities was to make it a counterpart of the Theresianum Knight Academy (founded in 1746 under the Jesuit administration). Young noblemen were trained there for work in civil service, while the academy at Wiener Neustadt was intended for officer education. Maria Theresa secured scholarships for ca. four hundred cadets from poorer noble families, as well as for sons of deserving senior officers. Boys under the age of 14 attended the so-called Preparatory Military School in Vienna before being admitted at the Wiener Neustadt Noble Military Academy. Both institutions were merged in 1769 into one Imperial and Royal Theresian Military Academy. Teachers, who were at first only secular, that is, coming from the officer class, continued the tradition of humanist and baroque knight academies and the adoption of "knightly skills and military virtues," aimed at the acquisition of physical readiness rather than the contemporary knowledge of warfare needed to professionalize the army. This paper presents the reforms and changes that took place at the Theresian Military Academy during the reign of Maria Theresa and Joseph II with the intention of modernizing officer education and developing the supra-national "Austrian patriotism" based on the Enlightenment principles as the main foundation of the future officers' loyalty. These efforts culminated during the command of the enlightened pedagogical writer, the Austrian general and Bohemian aristocrat, Franz Joseph Kinsky (1779-1755), whose educational concepts and actions are here extensively presented.

Miltonov Izgubljeni raj, kao i izvorna biblijska priča, već dugo izaziva polemike o prirodi i svrsi ljudske seksualnosti. Ovaj rad istražuje Miltonovo poimanje Sotone te Adama i Eve uranjajući ih u virtualnu stvarnost izvrnute svijesti u kontekstu Augustinove doktrine distopijskih društava (antičkih kao i suvremenih) i političke teorije općenito. Seksualna osvješćenja, kako ona u raju tako i ona u suvremenim oblicima kvazirajske zabave, podudaraju se s pojavom solipsističnoga bića i virtualne seksualnosti i, makar tako ne izgleda, ona mogu imati ozbiljne političke posljedice. Ono što sliči na mahnito osobno oslobađanje na javnim mjestima, ustvari se pretvara u velike gubitke političkih sloboda. ; For a long time Milton's Paradise Lost, as the original Biblical story, has been a controversial testing ground for various theories regulating human sexuality. The paper explores Milton's rendering of Satan's and Adam and Eve's immersion in the virtual realities of inverted, false consciousness in the light of Augustine's doctrine, dystopian societies (ancient and modern), and political theory. Sexual enlightenments, whether in Paradise or contemporary quasi-paradisal forms of entertainment, coincide with the appearance of the solipsistic self and cybersexuality and they tend to have serious political implications. What appear to be personal liberating frenzies in public places actually turn out to be serious losses of political freedom.

U radu je provedena povijesno-filozofska rekonstrukcija Leibnizove obrazovne teorije. U uvodu se navode egzegetski problemi koji se tiču lociranja Leibnizove »filozofije obrazovanja« unutar šireg korpusa njegovih djela i iznalaženja adekvatnog teorijskog okvira unutar kojega je moguće kontekstualizirati i rekonstruirati Leibnizove misli o obrazovanju. Potom je pokazano da nam taj okvir pruža Leibnizova praktična filozofija, tj. njegove ideje o optimalnoj državi i općem dobru. Analizirane su ključne teze Leibnizove etike i političke filozofije u cilju otkrivanja pozadine ideje o respublica optima i objašnjeno je kakvo bi obrazovanje, slijedeći Leibniza, trebalo biti da bi omogućilo usavršavanje pojedinca i društva te doprinijelo ostvarenju općeg dobra. Na kraju, tvrdi se da je Leibniz u okviru svojega obrazovnog projekta artikulirao prosvjetiteljsku ideju koja je progresivnija od obrazovnih ideja filozofa koje obično asociramo s prosvjetiteljstvom osamnaestog stoljeća. ; This paper presents a historical-philosophical reconstruction of Leibniz's theory of education. In the introduction, I point out the exegetical problems involved in locating Leibniz's "philosophy of education" within the broader corpus of his works and in uncovering an appropriate theoretical framework within which it is possible to contextualise and reconstruct Leibniz's thought on education. It is then shown that this framework is provided by Leibniz's practical philosophy, i.e. his ideas about the optimal state and the common good. I analyse the key theses of Leibniz's ethics and political philosophy to uncover the background of the idea of the respublica optima and explain how education, in Leibniz's view, should enable the perfection of the individual and society and contribute to the realisation of the common good. Finally, it is argued that in his educational project Leibniz articulated an idea of the Enlightenment that is far more progressive than the educational ideas of the philosophers we usually associate with the eighteenth-century ...

Članak nastoji rasvijetliti tendencije suvremene etizacije u različitim područjima života, od gospodarstva i tehnike do znanosti i politike, s posebnim naglaskom na pravnu domenu. Ključno je pitanje: kako se danas masovno nabujala etizacija svijeta života odnosi prema načelu odvajanja prava i morala te prema vladavini prava kao minimuma morala u društvu? Teoretsko je polazište za ovo razmatranje Thomasiusova podjela naravnoga prava na honestum, decorum i iustum te Kantova dihotomija metafizičkih temelja nauka o pravu i kreposti u Metafizici ćudoređa. Taj je okvir upravo vrhunac prosvjetiteljskih nastojanja za strogim odvajanjem sfere zakonitosti i moralnosti. Postavlja se u tom sklopu pitanje, potkopavaju li suvremene etičke tendencije prosvjetiteljsko naslijeđe zaštite ljudskih prava. Na temelju takva dihotomna modela dalje se raščlanjuje utjecaj nedavne ekspanzije profesionalnih, medicinskih, znanstvenih, poslovnih i drugih oblika etike, masovno uspostavljanje etičkih povjerenstava, politička korektnost i djelovanje javnoga mnijenja na okvir ljudskih temeljnih sloboda. Za ilustraciju prikazana su dva ogledna primjera iz Hrvatske – normativni nedostaci etičkoga kodeksa i zloporaba etičkoga tijela u političke svrhe. U zaključku se obrazlaže kako suvremena etizacija može donijeti dobre plodove promicanjem ćudorednih pitanja i pravne zaštite. Međutim, ona ne smije prekoračivati granice i potkopavati vladavinu prava. Razdvajanje morala i prava znatna je baština demokratske ustavne države. Neobuzdana i preobilna etizacija raznih sfera, međutim, može biti pogubna za dobro uređenje i blagostanje u suvremenom, sve više pluralističkom i multikulturnom društvu. Primjerenije je stoga da o pravu sude nepristrani sudci i neovisni sudovi, držeći se u pravorijeku stoljećima izborenih i utvrđenih mjerila pravednosti; oni to zacijelo čine znatno pravednije nego što bi to činili provizorni etički odbori i ad hoc imenovani povjerenici. Etika se može baviti unutarnjom stranom djelovanja i moralnim maksimama. No, etičke maksime nisu uvijek vezane uz izvanjsku pravnu prisilu. O toj bitnoj razlici, koju bi svako društvo trebalo pažljivo razgraničiti i propisati, ovisi u bitnome ostvarenje ljudske slobode u njezinoj punini. ; This paper seeks to shed light on the trends of contemporary ethicisation in various areas of life, from business and technology to science and politics, with special emphasis on the legal domain. The key question is: how does nowadays immensely enlarged ethicisation of the lifeworld relate to the principle of separating legality from morality and the rule of law as the minimum of moral in the society? Theoretical framework for this analysis is Thomasius' division of natural law into honestum, decorum and iustum, as well as Kant's dichotomy of the metaphysical foundations of the doctrine of law and virtue in the Metaphysics of Morals. This framework represents the pinnacle of the demand of the Enlightenment era for a separation of the spheres of legality and morality. The question is raised as to whether contemporary ethical tendencies undermine the legacy of the Enlightenment regarding the protection of the human rights. Based on this dichotomous model, the impact of the recent expansion of professional, medical, scientific, business and other forms of ethics, the massive establishment of ethics committees, political correctness, and the mediation of public opinion on the framework of human fundamental freedoms is further elaborated. By way of illustration, two exemplary case studies from Croatia are presented—the normative flaws of a code of ethics and the misuse of an ethical body for political purposes. The conclusion elaborates how contemporary ethicisation can produce good results by promoting legal issues and legal protection. However, it should not exceed the limits and undermine the rule of law. The separation of morality and law is an important legacy of the democratic constitutional state. The unbridled and extensive ethicisation of various spheres, though, can be devastating to good order and well-being in the contemporary increasingly pluralistic and multicultural society. Therefore, the impartial tribunals should judge by the centuries-old and established standards of justice; they do it more equitably than the provisional ethical committees and the ad hoc appointed commissioners would. Ethics may continue to deal with the inner side of action and maxims. Nevertheless, the ethical maxims are not always bound to external compulsion. The full realisation of human freedom depends on this essential distinction, which every society should carefully determine and regulate. ; Cet article vise à faire la lumière sur les tendances de l'éthisation contemporaine dans divers domaines de la vie : des affaires et technologie à la science et politique, en mettant un accent particulier sur le domaine juridique. La question clé est la suivante : quel est le rapport entre l'éthisation contemporaine du monde de la vie, massivement accrue, avec le principe de la séparation entre le droit et la morale et la primauté du droit en tant que minimum de morale ? La présupposition de départ pour cette réflexion est la division par Thomasius de la loi naturelle en honestum, decorum et iustum, ainsi que la dichotomie par Kant des fondements métaphysiques de la doctrine du droit et de la vertu dans la Métaphysique des Mœurs, ledit cadre représentant le comble de l'exigence des Lumières pour une séparation stricte entre les sphères de la légalité et de la moralité. La question se pose de savoir si les tendances éthiques contemporaines nuisent l'héritage des Lumières de la protection des droits de l'homme. Sur la base de ce modèle dichotomique, une analyse plus profonde est fournie ayant pour but de démontrer l'impact de l'expansion récente des formes de l'éthique professionnelle, médicale, scientifique, des affaires et autres, de la mise en place massive des comités d'éthique, de la rectitude politique et de la médiation de l'opinion publique. A titre d'illustration, deux études sur des cas exemplaires en Croatie sont ici traitées: les faiblesses normatives d'un code d'éthique et l'abus d'un organe éthique à des fins politiques. En conclusion, il est montré que l'éthisation contemporaine peut porter ses fruits en promouvant les questions morales et la protection juridique. Cependant, elle ne doit pas dépasser les limites de le régime du droit et le nuire. La séparation entre la morale et le droit est un héritage important de l'Etat constitutionnel démocratique. L'éthisation effrénée et étendue à divers domaines peut néanmoins être dévastatrice pour le bon ordre et le bien-être dans la société contemporaine de plus en plus pluraliste et multiculturelle. Par conséquent, les juges impartiaux et les tribunaux indépendants devraient juger selon les normes de la justice séculaires et bien établies ; ils le font de manière plus équitable que le feraient le comité d'éthique provisoire ou les commissaires nommés ad hoc. L'éthique peut continuer à traiter du côté intérieur des actions et des maximes. Néanmoins, les maximes éthiques ne sont pas toujours liées à la contrainte juridique extérieure. De cette distinction essentielle, que chaque société devrait déterminer et réglementer avec soin, dépend avant tout la réalisation de la liberté humaine dans sa plénitude. ; Dieser Aufsatz versucht, die Tendenzen der zeitgenössischen Ethisierung in verschiedenen Bereichen des Lebens, von der Wirtschaft und Technik bis hin zur Wissenschaft und Politik, unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Rechtsdomäne, zu beleuchten. Die Schlüsselfrage lautet: Wie verhält sich die heutige massiv angewachsene Ethisierung der Lebenswelt zum Grundsatz der Trennung von Legalität und Moralität sowie zum rechtsstaatlichen Postulat des Rechts als des Minimums der Moral in der Gesellschaft? Als Rahmen für die Untersuchung dient die Aufteilung des Naturrechts in honestum, decorum und iustum bei Thomasius, ferner Kants Dichotomie der metaphysischen Anfangsgründe der Rechts- und Tugendlehre in der Metaphysik der Sitten, wo als Höhepunkt die aufklärerische Forderung nach einer strengen Scheidung der Sphäre der Legalität von der Moralität untermauert wurde. Es wird die Frage erörtert, ob zeitgenössische Ethisierungstendenzen das aufklärerische Erbe der Verteidigung der Menschenrechte untergraben. Ausgehend von diesem dichotomischen Modell wird erörtert, welche Auswirkungen die jüngere Ausweitung der Ethik im Berufsleben, in Medizin, Wissenschaft, Geschäftsbeziehungen sowie sonstige Formen der Ethik, ferner die massiven Gründungen von Ethikkommissionen, die politische Korrektheit und die öffentliche Meinungsbildung auf den Rahmen der menschlichen Grundfreiheiten haben. Zur Veranschaulichung werden zwei Fallbeispiele aus Kroatien angeführt: die normativen Mängel eines Ethikkodexes und der Missbrauch eines ethischen Gremiums zu politischen Zwecken. Abschließend wird festgestellt, dass die zeitgenössische Ethisierung gute Früchte tragen kann, sofern sie die Rechtsfragen und den Rechtsschutz fördert. Aber sie darf dabei nicht die Grenzen überschreiten und den Rechtsstaat untergraben. Die Trennung von Moral und Recht ist ein wichtiges Erbe des demokratischen Rechtsstaates. Die ungezügelte und extensive Ethisierung verschiedener Sphären kann indessen für die gute Ordnung und das Wohlleben in der heutzutage immer ausgeprägteren pluralistischen und multikulturellen Gesellschaft verheerend sein. Daher mögen lieber unparteiische Richter und unabhängige Gerichtshöfe nach den in vielen Jahrhunderten errungenen und bewährten Maßstäben der Gerechtigkeit urteilen; sie tun dies gerechter, als es provisorische Ethikkomitees und ad hoc ernannte Beauftrage je tun würden. Die Ethik mag sich weiter mit dem inneren Bereich des Handelns und den Maximen befassen. Die ethischen Maximen sind aber dem äußeren Zwang nicht immer verpflichtet. Von dieser wesentlichen Unterscheidung, die jede Gesellschaft sorgfältig bestimmen und reglementieren sollte, hängt die Verwirklichung der Menschenfreiheit in ihrer Fülle ab.