This study aims to highlight the role of education in a democratic society in the political philosophy of Nicolas de Condorcet. Condorcet refuted legitimising political power on the idea of general will and postulated to replace it with the notion of reason and probability of truth. This assumption tightly linked the wellbeing of democracy with a public education system which, on the one hand, was to prepare citizens to take an active role in the public sphere, and on the other, allow them to improve the political system in which they function in accordance with the progress of the human spirit. ; This study aims to highlight the role of education in a democratic society in the political philosophy of Nicolas de Condorcet. Condorcet refuted legitimising political power on the idea of general will and postulated to replace it with the notion of reason and probability of truth. This assumption tightly linked the wellbeing of democracy with a public education system which, on the one hand, was to prepare citizens to take an active role in the public sphere, and on the other, allow them to improve the political system in which they function in accordance with the progress of the human spirit.
RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The purpose of this article is to analyse the relationship between ideas of philosophical anthropology and the problem of intellectual legitimacy of democracy. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: In the article I am trying to answer the question, what is the relationship between views on human nature and attitude to democracy. I analyse this problem by interpreting classic works of political thought. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The starting point is the statement: aversion to democracy arose largely from misanthropy. Democracy was not considered as intellectually legitimate regime, because it was not believed in the rationality of an ordinary person and his ability to participate responsibly in public life. This situation changes during the Enlightenment, when anthropological pessimism was undermined, and the theories underlying the idea of the intellectual legitimacy of democracy were formulated. The later course of events largely questioned these theories, but nevertheless democracy in the West is considered as the only legitimate form of government. RESEARCH RESULTS: This leads me to a view on the paradoxical nature of modern democracy. On the one hand, there is a consensus regarding the intellectual legitimacy of democracy. On the other hand, in theory and practice, the ability of ordinary people to participate reasonably in public life is commonly questioned. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The results of the analysis should prompt the political scientist to change the way of understanding the nature of modern democracy. This system is called democracy, but it seems to have less and less to do with the hopes of those authors who formulated its intellectual assumptions. ; CEL NAUKOWY: Celem tego artykułu jest analiza związku między wy‑ obrażeniami z zakresu antropologii filozoficznej a problemem intelektualnej prawomocności demokracji. PROBLEM I METODY BADAWCZE: W artykule próbuję odpowiedzieć na pytanie, jaki jest związek między poglądami na temat natury ludzkiej a sto‑ sunkiem do demokracji. Analizuję ten problem interpretując klasyczne dzieła z zakresu myśli politycznej. PROCES WYWODU: Punktem wyjścia jest konstatacja: niechęć wobec demo‑ kracji wyrastała w dużej mierze z mizantropii. Demokracja nie była uznawana za ustrój godny poparcia, ponieważ nie wierzono w racjonalność zwykłego czło‑ wieka i jego zdolność do odpowiedzialnego uczestnictwa w życiu publicznym. Ta sytuacja zmienia się w epoce Oświecenia, kiedy to podważono pesymizm antropologiczny i sformułowane zostały teorie stanowiące podstawę dla idei intelektualnej prawomocności demokracji. Późniejszy bieg wypadków w du‑ żym stopniu te teorie zakwestionował, ale mimo to demokracja na Zachodzie uznawana jest za jedyną prawomocną formę rządu. WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: Analiza prowadzi do sformułowania poglądu o paradoksalnym charakterze współczesnej demokracji. Z jednej stro‑ ny, istnieje konsensus co do intelektualnej prawomocności demokracji, z dru‑ giej – w teorii i praktyce powszechnie kwestionowana jest zdolność zwykłego człowieka do rozumnego uczestnictwa w życiu publicznym. WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: Wyniki analizy powinny skłonić politologa do zmiany sposobu rozumienia charakteru współczesnej demo‑ kracji. Ustrój ten nosi nazwę demokracja, ale wydaje się mieć coraz mniej wspól‑ nego z nadziejami tych autorów, którzy sformułowali jej intelektualne założenia.
Christianity, filtered through the heritage of Enlightenment, is a founding stone of European identity. Western Christianity is of particular importance here, as only in the region it dominated we can speak of Enlightenment and periods that precede it, that is Renaissance and Reformation. European Union is primarily constituted by countries that are culturally related to Western (Latin) Christianity. Enlightenment (secular rationalism) as such was not sufficient for creation of European identity. The paper describes the evolution of European identity closely linked with Christianity, that was later on left for rationalism and national identities. I try to prove that the identity of Europeans is historically closely linked to the diversity of nations that constitute Europe and that a national identity serves to underline European Community rather than deny it. Existing European identity has its roots in common history, contrary to popular believes that Europeans identify only with their nations. The paper also explains why new European identity needs to be constructed in relation to common European past and not in relation to the future of Europe.
The article is devoted to the publishing of calendars – a permanent publishing initiative, launched in the first half of the 18th century and continued by the Jesuit priest Franciszek Paprocki (1723–1805) in the University Printing House in the second half of the 18th century. Calendars were among the most widely read publications of those times. Kalendarz Polityczny Wileński (the Political Vilnius Calendar), which was being published for more than 25 years, is presented here. It was regularly advertised in the Vilnius press. News about scientific, geographical and astronomical discoveries, statistical data, information about the socio-political system of the European countries, its rulers, the structure of authorities, constitutions, regulations, the decisions of the Parliament, as well as curiosities, pieces of practical advice and gossip were published in the calendar. The calendar became a valuable source of knowledge which reflected cultural changes on the territory of the Great Duchy of Lithuania in the Age of Enlightenment.
The article is devoted to the publishing of calendars – a permanent publishing initiative, launched in the first half of the 18th century and continued by the Jesuit priest Franciszek Paprocki (1723–1805) in the University Printing House in the second half of the 18th century. Calendars were among the most widely read publications of those times. Kalendarz Polityczny Wileński (the Political Vilnius Calendar), which was being published for more than 25 years, is presented here. It was regularly advertised in the Vilnius press. News about scientific, geographical and astronomical discoveries, statistical data, information about the socio-political system of the European countries, its rulers, the structure of authorities, constitutions, regulations, the decisions of the Parliament, as well as curiosities, pieces of practical advice and gossip were published in the calendar. The calendar became a valuable source of knowledge which reflected cultural changes on the territory of the Great Duchy of Lithuania in the Age of Enlightenment.
The article is devoted to the publishing of calendars – a permanent publishing initiative, launched in the first half of the 18th century and continued by the Jesuit priest Franciszek Paprocki (1723–1805) in the University Printing House in the second half of the 18th century. Calendars were among the most widely read publications of those times. Kalendarz Polityczny Wileński (the Political Vilnius Calendar), which was being published for more than 25 years, is presented here. It was regularly advertised in the Vilnius press. News about scientific, geographical and astronomical discoveries, statistical data, information about the socio-political system of the European countries, its rulers, the structure of authorities, constitutions, regulations, the decisions of the Parliament, as well as curiosities, pieces of practical advice and gossip were published in the calendar. The calendar became a valuable source of knowledge which reflected cultural changes on the territory of the Great Duchy of Lithuania in the Age of Enlightenment.
The article is devoted to the publishing of calendars – a permanent publishing initiative, launched in the first half of the 18th century and continued by the Jesuit priest Franciszek Paprocki (1723–1805) in the University Printing House in the second half of the 18th century. Calendars were among the most widely read publications of those times. Kalendarz Polityczny Wileński (the Political Vilnius Calendar), which was being published for more than 25 years, is presented here. It was regularly advertised in the Vilnius press. News about scientific, geographical and astronomical discoveries, statistical data, information about the socio-political system of the European countries, its rulers, the structure of authorities, constitutions, regulations, the decisions of the Parliament, as well as curiosities, pieces of practical advice and gossip were published in the calendar. The calendar became a valuable source of knowledge which reflected cultural changes on the territory of the Great Duchy of Lithuania in the Age of Enlightenment.
Autor artykułu skupił się na zagadnieniu reorientacji poglądów na administrację w polskiej myśli politycznej w ciągu zaledwie kilku lat istnienia Księstwa Warszawskiego, zwłaszcza w jego końcowym stadium (1813–1815). Utworzony przez Napoleona Bonapartego organizm państwowy powstał na fali entuzjazmu i wiary Polaków w odrodzenie narodowe i urzeczywistnienie oświeceniowej wiary w sprawczą siłę rządu, zdolnego do podźwignięcia kraju z upadku i wprowadzenia na drogę cywilizacyjnego postępu. Wkrótce jednak okazało się, że Księstwo Warszawskie stanie się państwem, którego kilkuletnie istnienie naznaczone będzie ciągłymi wojnami i pogarszającą się sytuacją gospodarczą, wpływającą na wzrost negatywnych ocen struktury państwowej oraz tęsknotę za dawną tradycją ustrojowo-prawną. O zmianie stosunku do biurokracji świadczą obszernie cytowane w tekście wypowiedzi zarówno ziemianina z Lubelszczyzny Joachima Owidzkiego, osoby powszechnie znanej i szanowanej w tym regionie, jak i byłego jakobina Józefa Kalasantego Szaniawskiego, wyrazistego przedstawiciela elity intelektualnej i politycznej. Natomiast za podsumowanie zmiany stosunku do urzędników, jaki dokonał się w tych czasach, może służyć tekst profesora Szkoły Prawa Franciszka Ksawerego Szaniawskiego, który zauważa, że totalna krytyka "stanu urzędniczego" wynika ze skłonności do przesady. ; The author of the article focused on the issue of reorientation in views about administration, which occurred in the Polish political thought over a mere few years of existence of the Duchy of Warsaw, especially at the last stage of its existence in 1813–1815. Th is state entity created by Napoleon came into being on the wave of enthusiasm and faith in the national rebirth of Poles and in the Enlightenment belief about the agency of the government, capable of lift ing the country from collapse and of setting it on a path of civilizational progress. Soon, however, it turned out that at the same time it became a state whose short-lived existence of only a few years would be marked by constant wars and a declining economic situation, negatively aff ecting the society's assessments of the state structures, as well as kindling a yearning for the old political traditions. Extensively quoted statements of both a landowner from the Lublin region, Joachim Owidzki (a person widely known and respected in this region) as well as the former Jacobin Józef Kalasanty Szaniawski (an expressive representative of Polish intellectual and political elites) documented the change in the attitude to the bureaucracy; whereas the text of the School of Law professor Franciszek Ksawery Szaniawski could serve as a summary of this change. He noted that the total criticism of the "clerical state" resulted from a tendency to exaggeration.
