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Abstract
A scoping review was performed to answer: what environmental health concerns have been associated with adverse health outcomes in the Navajo Nation? The review focused on occupational and ambient environmental exposures associated with human industrial activities. The search strategy was implemented in PubMed, and two investigators screened the retrieved literature. Thirteen studies were included for review. Data were extracted using the matrix method. Six studies described associations between work in uranium mining and cancer. Six studies focused on environmental exposures to uranium mine waste and other metals, with outcomes that included biological markers, kidney disease, diabetes and hypertension, and adverse birth outcomes. One study explored occupational exposure to Sin Nombre Virus and infection. Most research has focused on the health effects of uranium, where occupational exposures occurred among miners and environmental exposures are a legacy of uranium mining and milling. Gaps exist with respect to health outcomes associated with current occupations and the psychosocial impact of environmental hazards. Other environmental exposures and hazards are known to exist on the Navajo Nation, which may warrant epidemiologic research.

The interest in so-called voluntary approaches to supplement or replace formal environmental, or occupational health and safety regulation has taken on new importance in both Europe and the United States. These approaches fall into two sharp divisions: (1) industry-initiated codes of good practice focusing on environmental management systems or performance goals, and (2) negotiated agreements between government and individual firms or industry sector trade associations focusing on regulation or compliance. This paper addresses the latter. In the United States, the motivations behind negotiated agreements are manifold and sometimes contradictory including desires (1) to facilitate the achievement of legislated or mandatory environmental goals by introducing flexibility and cost-effective compliance measures, (2) to negotiate levels of compliance (standards) fulfilling legislative mandates, (3) to negotiate legal definitions of Best Available Technology and other technology-based requirements, and (4) to weaken environmental initiatives. Efforts in furtherance of negotiated agreements have thus been greeted with mixed results by the various stakeholders. In the context of an anti-regulatory climate in the United States, the Administrative Procedures Act has been amended to allow "negotiated rulemaking" in achieving regulatory agency mandates. However, even before this legal innovation, regulatory agencies have been negotiating regulations. Independent of this legal avenue, negotiated compliance with industry associations is being fostered through the Environmental Protection Agency's (EPA's) "Commonsense Initiative" and with individual firms through "EPA's Project XL", again with mixed reception. The proposed paper describes and analyses negotiated agreements in the United States in the context of (1) EPA efforts to ensure environmental protection and (2) the Occupational Safety and Health Administration efforts to ensure worker health and safety. These agreements can be described according to the following taxonomy: (a) Negotiated regulation (either preceding formal regulation or as a substitute for formal regulation); (b) Negotiated compliance (implementing regulation or informal agreements) (i) the means and timetable for coming into compliance with emission, effluent, or concentration requirements (ii) negotiation in the context of an enforcement action in which the firm is out of legal compliance (for example, encouraging cleaner production through the leveraging of penalty reductions). The criteria for evaluation include: environmental or health and safety outcomes, effects on stimulating technological change, time for development (time to completion)/implementation (likelihood of court challenge), stakeholder influence (ability of large firms to dominate outcome, environmentalists–industry, or labour–management balance of power),and administrative features.

The interest in so-called voluntary approaches to supplement or replace formal environmental, or occupational health and safety regulation has taken on new importance in both Europe and the United States. These approaches fall into two sharp divisions: (1) industry-initiated codes of good practice focusing on environmental management systems or performance goals, and (2) negotiated agreements between government and individual firms or industry sector trade associations focusing on regulation or compliance. This paper addresses the latter. In the United States, the motivations behind negotiated agreements are manifold and sometimes contradictory including desires (1) to facilitate the achievement of legislated or mandatory environmental goals by introducing flexibility and cost-effective compliance measures, (2) to negotiate levels of compliance (standards) fulfilling legislative mandates, (3) to negotiate legal definitions of Best Available Technology and other technology-based requirements, and (4) to weaken environmental initiatives. Efforts in furtherance of negotiated agreements have thus been greeted with mixed results by the various stakeholders. In the context of an anti-regulatory climate in the United States, the Administrative Procedures Act has been amended to allow "negotiated rulemaking" in achieving regulatory agency mandates. However, even before this legal innovation, regulatory agencies have been negotiating regulations. Independent of this legal avenue, negotiated compliance with industry associations is being fostered through the Environmental Protection Agency's (EPA's) "Commonsense Initiative" and with individual firms through "EPA's Project XL", again with mixed reception. The proposed paper describes and analyses negotiated agreements in the United States in the context of (1) EPA efforts to ensure environmental protection and (2) the Occupational Safety and Health Administration efforts to ensure worker health and safety. These agreements can be described according to the following taxonomy: (a) Negotiated regulation (either preceding formal regulation or as a substitute for formal regulation); (b) Negotiated compliance (implementing regulation or informal agreements) (i) the means and timetable for coming into compliance with emission, effluent, or concentration requirements (ii) negotiation in the context of an enforcement action in which the firm is out of legal compliance (for example, encouraging cleaner production through the leveraging of penalty reductions). The criteria for evaluation include: environmental or health and safety outcomes, effects on stimulating technological change, time for development (time to completion)/implementation (likelihood of court challenge), stakeholder influence (ability of large firms to dominate outcome, environmentalists–industry, or labour–management balance of power),and administrative features.

Introduction: Informal street vending is a form of informal employment, and occupational conditions for people within this group have been proven to be detrimental to their health. Two independent reviewers carried out a systematic evaluation of the existing literature in South Africa on environmental and occupational exposures, as well as the health effects faced by informal street food vendors. Methods: 354 published publications were reviewed and 9 were included, following the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) guidelines. Results: The evidence showed that informal street vendors are exposed to workplace risks that affect their health and wellbeing. Non-enclosed vendor stalls and frequent use of open fires were among the risk concerns. Vendors are vulnerable to gastrointestinal diseases such as salmonellosis and respiratory infections such as influenza and COVID-19 due to inadequate access to water, waste disposal facilities, and basic hygiene awareness and practices. Exposure to air pollutants increased the risk of respiratory and urinary illnesses and an impact on the reproductive health of female street vendors. Conclusions: This investigation demonstrated the difficulties in complying with the requirements of the Regulations Governing General Hygiene Requirements for Food Premises, the Transport of Food, and Related Matters (no. R638 of 22 June 2018) and the Occupational Health and Safety (OHS) Act (no. 85 of 1993). Within South African borders, there is a scarcity of research on occupational exposures and health effects in this occupation. As a result, eliminating or preventing these occupational exposures should be at the top of government and stakeholder agendas. The majority of the research was carried out in KwaZulu Natal and used a quantitative, cross-sectional technique. Other designs, including cohorts, time series, and randomized intervention trials, were underutilized.

Immigrants comprise vulnerable populations that are frequently exposed to a multitude of environmental and occupational hazards. The historical context behind state and federal legislation has helped to foster an environment that is particularly hostile toward caring for immigrant health. Current hazards include toxic exposures, air and noise pollution, motor vehicle accidents, crowded living and work environments with inadequate ventilation, poor sanitation, mechanical injury, among many others. Immigrants lack the appropriate training, materials, health care access, and other resources to reduce their exposure to preventable environmental and occupational health risks. This dilemma is exacerbated by current anti-immigrant sentiments, miscommunication between native and immigrant populations, and legislation denying immigrants access to publicly funded medical care. Given that current health policy has failed to address immigrant health appropriately and political impetus is lacking, efforts should also focus on alternative solutions, including organized labor. Labor unions that serve to educate workers, survey work environments, and defend worker rights will greatly alleviate and prevent the burden of disease incurred by immigrants. The nation's health will benefit from improved regulation of living and workplace environments to improve the health of immigrants, regardless of legal status.

Documents the dire implications of global economic transformation for environmental and occupational health. Likens these developments to a global embrace of a value system antithetical to public health, while substituting the concept of preventing morbidity and mortality with the battlefield concept of acceptable losses.

"December 1986." ; Shipping list no.: 86-991-P. ; Cover title. ; Bibliography: p. B-1. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 2

Background: Mexico has a great diversity and richness of natural resources, but evaluations of the quality of life of Mexicans show the deep inequalities and the gap between rich and poor. While 5% of families concentrate 58% of the wealth, the health spending in environment and health is 0.2 and 2.7 of the GDP respectively. This has repercussions both on the gradual deterioration of the environment and on the insufficient health and social security coverage of the working population.Objective: To describe the current situation of occupational and environmental health in Mexico.Methods: A bibliographic review was performed on the socioeconomic, demographic, environmental, legal and health status of the Economically Active Population (EAP).Findings: There is a constant deterioration of terrestrial and marine ecosystems, accompanied by an increase in environmental pollution in large cities. The unemployment rate of the EAP has decreased in one year to 3.4%, but the informal labor rate reached 57.3%, which translates into population without social security. Compliance with legislation for the protection of workers' health is insufficient. The recent amendments to the law have meant a setback in these respects. The reported information on accidents and occupational diseases corresponds to only 34% of workers. There has been a decrease in the rate of work accidents in the last six years, but an increase in diseases and permanent disabilities. During 2016, the first cause of occupational illness was hearing loss, but the profile was dominated by musculoskeletal diseases, which together reached 36.5%.Conclusions: To improve the occupational and environmental health situation, it is necessary to implement general and particular measures against inequalities, increase the budget in health and environment, enforce legislation and expand social security coverage to the population. These measures should be part of public policies as well as actions of academics and researchers.