Equality Politics and Gender
In: Recherches féministes, Band 5, Heft 1, S. 211-213
ISSN: 0838-4479
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In: Recherches féministes, Band 5, Heft 1, S. 211-213
ISSN: 0838-4479
In: Faculté de Droit et de Science politique de Montpellier, Actes de colloque
There are two main definitions of fairness. According to the one, wrongly attributed to Aristote, 'fairness is justice in the specific case'. According to the other, 'equity is an exception to the strict law'. ; International audience ; There are two main definitions of fairness. According to the one, wrongly attributed to Aristote, 'fairness is justice in the specific case'. According to the other, 'equity is an exception to the strict law'. ; Il existe deux définitions principales de l'équité. Selon l'une, faussement attribuée à Aristote, "l'équité est la justice dans le cas concret". Selon l'autre, "l'équité est une exception au droit strict".
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Are rights to privacy consistent with sexual equality? In a brief, but influential, article Catherine MacKinnon trenchantly laid out feminist criticisms of the right to privacy. In "Privacy v. Equality: Beyond Roe v. Wade" she linked familiar objections to the right to privacy and connected them to the fate of abortion rights in the U.S.A. (MacKinnon, 1983, 93-102). For many feminists, the Supreme Court's decision in Roe v. Wade (1973) had suggested that, notwithstanding a dubious past, legal rights to privacy might serve feminist objectives, and prove consistent with sexual equality. By arguing that Roe's privacy justification of abortion rights was directly responsible for the weakness and vulnerability of abortion rights in America, MacKinnon took aim at feminist hopes for the right to privacy at their strongest point. Maintaining that Roe's privacy justification of abortion is intimately, and not contingently, related to the Supreme Court's subsequent decision in Harris v. McRae, (1980) MacKinnon concluded that privacy rights cannot be reconciled with the freedom and equality of women, and so can have no place in a democracy.In Harris, the Supreme Court held that the State need not provide Medicaid coverage for abortions that are necessary to preserve the health, but not the life, of a pregnant woman, effectively depriving poor women of almost all state aid for abortions.2 Moreover, the Court's subsequent decision in Bowers v . Hardwick (1986) appeared to confirm the truth of MacKinnon's observation – though this case concerned gay rights, rather than abortion rights, and occurred several years after MacKinnon's condemnation of Harris. [First paragraph]
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Are rights to privacy consistent with sexual equality? In a brief, but influential, article Catherine MacKinnon trenchantly laid out feminist criticisms of the right to privacy. In "Privacy v. Equality: Beyond Roe v. Wade" she linked familiar objections to the right to privacy and connected them to the fate of abortion rights in the U.S.A. (MacKinnon, 1983, 93-102). For many feminists, the Supreme Court's decision in Roe v. Wade (1973) had suggested that, notwithstanding a dubious past, legal rights to privacy might serve feminist objectives, and prove consistent with sexual equality. By arguing that Roe's privacy justification of abortion rights was directly responsible for the weakness and vulnerability of abortion rights in America, MacKinnon took aim at feminist hopes for the right to privacy at their strongest point. Maintaining that Roe's privacy justification of abortion is intimately, and not contingently, related to the Supreme Court's subsequent decision in Harris v. McRae, (1980) MacKinnon concluded that privacy rights cannot be reconciled with the freedom and equality of women, and so can have no place in a democracy.In Harris, the Supreme Court held that the State need not provide Medicaid coverage for abortions that are necessary to preserve the health, but not the life, of a pregnant woman, effectively depriving poor women of almost all state aid for abortions.2 Moreover, the Court's subsequent decision in Bowers v . Hardwick (1986) appeared to confirm the truth of MacKinnon's observation – though this case concerned gay rights, rather than abortion rights, and occurred several years after MacKinnon's condemnation of Harris. [First paragraph]
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In: World health statistics quarterly: Rapport trimestriel de statistiques sanitaires mondiales, Band 39, Heft 4, S. 325-335
ISSN: 0379-8070
World Affairs Online
In: Les rapports du Conseil d'Analyse Economique 75
Intro -- | Introduction -- Part I State of Play -- Chapter 1 | Slouching Toward a Relatively Stateless State -- Introduction -- Two reference points -- The rise and evolution of the notion of governance -- Experiments at the Centre on Governance -- Conclusion -- Chapter 2 | Governance as Mythbuster -- Introduction -- The governance approach -- Four key notions transformed in the -- small 'g' world -- Persiflage about the governance approach -- Some conjectures about the future -- of governance studies -- Conclusion -- Chapter 3 | Wicked Problems and Social Learning -- Introduction -- The social learning response to the wicked problems challenge -- The engine of social learning and wayfinding -- Scoping design thinking -- Design attitude: why, what and how -- Shifting attitude -- Conclusion -- Part II Wicked Trans-scientific Policy Challenges -- Chapter 4 | Equality -- Introduction -- The Tocqueville mechanism -- The dynamics of the entitlement revolution -- Impacts of the entitlement revolution -- The toxicity of the entitlement epidemic -- The governance of equability -- Modest general propositions -- Conclusion -- Chapter 5 | Diversity -- Introduction -- The issue domain: a few stylized facts -- The manufactured Canadian consensus -- A fragile social fabric and its dilemmas -- A primer on the governance of diversity -- Intermediate cosmopolitanism as the way out -- The journey to transculturalism -- Conclusion -- | Annex -- Joseph Heath's Golden Rule -- Chapter 6 | Sustainability -- Introduction -- Sustainability as a weaselword -- Governance -- Blending, complex adaptive systems and bricolage -- A plea for polycentric governance -- Conclusion -- | Conclusion -- Issues -- Polyphonic organizations and hybrid -- forms of governance -- Issue domains and wayfinding: -- mechanisms and representations -- Two murky frontiers -- In conclusion.
The Fongecif, territories of equity or of equality in access to continuing training ? The CIF (Congé individuel de formation) is conceived as an individual and collective labor law. In each region, agencies were created to manage this device : the Fongecif. But, what are those regional declensions of welfare policy ? How does Fongecif reconcile constraint of rarity and principle of equality of all in front of the law ? Some are both questions which this article tries to answer. If this right is acquired for all the eligible employees, it is constrained by funding requests. Beyond a formal legal equality, the ways to mobilize the idea of justice seem different in the regions, with two main selection practices which reflect two ways of thinking equality. Fongecif appear, therefore, as places of production of specific norms and their practices and strategies give a particular meaning to the national right. As such, they seem contribute to the creation of territorial disparities in the access of the employees to this individual training right. ; "Le CIF est conçu comme un droit social à la fois individuel et collectif. Dans chaque région, des organismes de gestion de ce congé ont été créés : les Fongecif. Mais alors, quelles sont les déclinaisons régionales de ce dispositif national de politique sociale ? De quelle manière les Fongecif concilient-ils contrainte de rareté et principe d'égalité de tous devant la loi ? Telles sont les deux questions auxquelles cet article tente de répondre. En effet, si ce droit est acquis pour tous les salariés éligibles, il s'applique sous contrainte de rareté de financement. Au-delà d'une égalité juridique formelle présente dans les textes nationaux, les manières de mobiliser l'idée de justice semblent alors différentes selon les régions. Deux pratiques principales de sélection sont observables qui correspondent, semble-t-il, à deux manières de penser l'égalité. Les Fongecif apparaissent donc comme des lieux de production de normes spécifiques qui par leurs pratiques et leurs ...
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The Fongecif, territories of equity or of equality in access to continuing training ? The CIF (Congé individuel de formation) is conceived as an individual and collective labor law. In each region, agencies were created to manage this device : the Fongecif. But, what are those regional declensions of welfare policy ? How does Fongecif reconcile constraint of rarity and principle of equality of all in front of the law ? Some are both questions which this article tries to answer. If this right is acquired for all the eligible employees, it is constrained by funding requests. Beyond a formal legal equality, the ways to mobilize the idea of justice seem different in the regions, with two main selection practices which reflect two ways of thinking equality. Fongecif appear, therefore, as places of production of specific norms and their practices and strategies give a particular meaning to the national right. As such, they seem contribute to the creation of territorial disparities in the access of the employees to this individual training right. ; "Le CIF est conçu comme un droit social à la fois individuel et collectif. Dans chaque région, des organismes de gestion de ce congé ont été créés : les Fongecif. Mais alors, quelles sont les déclinaisons régionales de ce dispositif national de politique sociale ? De quelle manière les Fongecif concilient-ils contrainte de rareté et principe d'égalité de tous devant la loi ? Telles sont les deux questions auxquelles cet article tente de répondre. En effet, si ce droit est acquis pour tous les salariés éligibles, il s'applique sous contrainte de rareté de financement. Au-delà d'une égalité juridique formelle présente dans les textes nationaux, les manières de mobiliser l'idée de justice semblent alors différentes selon les régions. Deux pratiques principales de sélection sont observables qui correspondent, semble-t-il, à deux manières de penser l'égalité. Les Fongecif apparaissent donc comme des lieux de production de normes spécifiques qui par leurs pratiques et leurs ...
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The Fongecif, territories of equity or of equality in access to continuing training ? The CIF (Congé individuel de formation) is conceived as an individual and collective labor law. In each region, agencies were created to manage this device : the Fongecif. But, what are those regional declensions of welfare policy ? How does Fongecif reconcile constraint of rarity and principle of equality of all in front of the law ? Some are both questions which this article tries to answer. If this right is acquired for all the eligible employees, it is constrained by funding requests. Beyond a formal legal equality, the ways to mobilize the idea of justice seem different in the regions, with two main selection practices which reflect two ways of thinking equality. Fongecif appear, therefore, as places of production of specific norms and their practices and strategies give a particular meaning to the national right. As such, they seem contribute to the creation of territorial disparities in the access of the employees to this individual training right. ; "Le CIF est conçu comme un droit social à la fois individuel et collectif. Dans chaque région, des organismes de gestion de ce congé ont été créés : les Fongecif. Mais alors, quelles sont les déclinaisons régionales de ce dispositif national de politique sociale ? De quelle manière les Fongecif concilient-ils contrainte de rareté et principe d'égalité de tous devant la loi ? Telles sont les deux questions auxquelles cet article tente de répondre. En effet, si ce droit est acquis pour tous les salariés éligibles, il s'applique sous contrainte de rareté de financement. Au-delà d'une égalité juridique formelle présente dans les textes nationaux, les manières de mobiliser l'idée de justice semblent alors différentes selon les régions. Deux pratiques principales de sélection sont observables qui correspondent, semble-t-il, à deux manières de penser l'égalité. Les Fongecif apparaissent donc comme des lieux de production de normes spécifiques qui par leurs pratiques et leurs ...
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The Fongecif, territories of equity or of equality in access to continuing training ? The CIF (Congé individuel de formation) is conceived as an individual and collective labor law. In each region, agencies were created to manage this device : the Fongecif. But, what are those regional declensions of welfare policy ? How does Fongecif reconcile constraint of rarity and principle of equality of all in front of the law ? Some are both questions which this article tries to answer. If this right is acquired for all the eligible employees, it is constrained by funding requests. Beyond a formal legal equality, the ways to mobilize the idea of justice seem different in the regions, with two main selection practices which reflect two ways of thinking equality. Fongecif appear, therefore, as places of production of specific norms and their practices and strategies give a particular meaning to the national right. As such, they seem contribute to the creation of territorial disparities in the access of the employees to this individual training right. ; "Le CIF est conçu comme un droit social à la fois individuel et collectif. Dans chaque région, des organismes de gestion de ce congé ont été créés : les Fongecif. Mais alors, quelles sont les déclinaisons régionales de ce dispositif national de politique sociale ? De quelle manière les Fongecif concilient-ils contrainte de rareté et principe d'égalité de tous devant la loi ? Telles sont les deux questions auxquelles cet article tente de répondre. En effet, si ce droit est acquis pour tous les salariés éligibles, il s'applique sous contrainte de rareté de financement. Au-delà d'une égalité juridique formelle présente dans les textes nationaux, les manières de mobiliser l'idée de justice semblent alors différentes selon les régions. Deux pratiques principales de sélection sont observables qui correspondent, semble-t-il, à deux manières de penser l'égalité. Les Fongecif apparaissent donc comme des lieux de production de normes spécifiques qui par leurs pratiques et leurs ...
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The Fongecif, territories of equity or of equality in access to continuing training ? The CIF (Congé individuel de formation) is conceived as an individual and collective labor law. In each region, agencies were created to manage this device : the Fongecif. But, what are those regional declensions of welfare policy ? How does Fongecif reconcile constraint of rarity and principle of equality of all in front of the law ? Some are both questions which this article tries to answer. If this right is acquired for all the eligible employees, it is constrained by funding requests. Beyond a formal legal equality, the ways to mobilize the idea of justice seem different in the regions, with two main selection practices which reflect two ways of thinking equality. Fongecif appear, therefore, as places of production of specific norms and their practices and strategies give a particular meaning to the national right. As such, they seem contribute to the creation of territorial disparities in the access of the employees to this individual training right. ; "Le CIF est conçu comme un droit social à la fois individuel et collectif. Dans chaque région, des organismes de gestion de ce congé ont été créés : les Fongecif. Mais alors, quelles sont les déclinaisons régionales de ce dispositif national de politique sociale ? De quelle manière les Fongecif concilient-ils contrainte de rareté et principe d'égalité de tous devant la loi ? Telles sont les deux questions auxquelles cet article tente de répondre. En effet, si ce droit est acquis pour tous les salariés éligibles, il s'applique sous contrainte de rareté de financement. Au-delà d'une égalité juridique formelle présente dans les textes nationaux, les manières de mobiliser l'idée de justice semblent alors différentes selon les régions. Deux pratiques principales de sélection sont observables qui correspondent, semble-t-il, à deux manières de penser l'égalité. Les Fongecif apparaissent donc comme des lieux de production de normes spécifiques qui par leurs pratiques et leurs ...
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The Fongecif, territories of equity or of equality in access to continuing training ? The CIF (Congé individuel de formation) is conceived as an individual and collective labor law. In each region, agencies were created to manage this device : the Fongecif. But, what are those regional declensions of welfare policy ? How does Fongecif reconcile constraint of rarity and principle of equality of all in front of the law ? Some are both questions which this article tries to answer. If this right is acquired for all the eligible employees, it is constrained by funding requests. Beyond a formal legal equality, the ways to mobilize the idea of justice seem different in the regions, with two main selection practices which reflect two ways of thinking equality. Fongecif appear, therefore, as places of production of specific norms and their practices and strategies give a particular meaning to the national right. As such, they seem contribute to the creation of territorial disparities in the access of the employees to this individual training right. ; "Le CIF est conçu comme un droit social à la fois individuel et collectif. Dans chaque région, des organismes de gestion de ce congé ont été créés : les Fongecif. Mais alors, quelles sont les déclinaisons régionales de ce dispositif national de politique sociale ? De quelle manière les Fongecif concilient-ils contrainte de rareté et principe d'égalité de tous devant la loi ? Telles sont les deux questions auxquelles cet article tente de répondre. En effet, si ce droit est acquis pour tous les salariés éligibles, il s'applique sous contrainte de rareté de financement. Au-delà d'une égalité juridique formelle présente dans les textes nationaux, les manières de mobiliser l'idée de justice semblent alors différentes selon les régions. Deux pratiques principales de sélection sont observables qui correspondent, semble-t-il, à deux manières de penser l'égalité. Les Fongecif apparaissent donc comme des lieux de production de normes spécifiques qui par leurs pratiques et leurs ...
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