The essay deals with the relationship between mercy and equity as a form of indulgent justice. Starting from the Aristotelian concept of equity, the essay studies the relationship between indulgency and normative overinclusion and underinclusion, considers the reach of equity in criminal law and concludes analysing the relation between judicial equity and legislation.
Resumen del marco normativo de la equidad educativa en Colombia, donde las comunidades indígenas, afro, raizal y rom, las personas discapacitadas, LGTBI+Q, entre otras, pueden definir algunos de sus derechos como la etnoeducación y su enfoque diferencial en políticas públicas educativas. ; Summary of the regulatory framework for educational equity in Colombia, where indigenous, Afro, Raizal and Rom communities, disabled people, LGTBI+Q, among others, can define some of their rights such as ethnic education and its differential approach in educational public politics.
Canada is one of the few countries in the world that does not have a national department of education but several provincial departments of education which are responsible for educational governance. The article provides an overview of Canada's educational systems. It describes the current political, economic and social context and provides a brief historical overview oft he evolution of these systems. The article addresses educational quality and equity by drawing on educational indicators and discusses educational reforms that have taken place. The strengths and weak nesses of Canada's systems of education are analyzed. The article concludes with remarks on the inter-relationship between educational equality and societal inequalityCanadá es uno de los pocos países en el mundo que no tienen un Ministerio Nacional de Educación sino numerosos departamentos provinciales que son los responsables de la gestión educativa. El artículo proporciona una panorámica de los sistemas educativos canadienses. Describe el actual contexto político, económico y social y ofrece un breve repaso histórico de la evolución de esos sistemas. El artículo enfrenta la cuestión de la calidad y la equidad educativas a través de indicadores referidos a educación y plantea críticamente las reformas educativas que han tenido lugar. Se analizan los puntos fuertes y las debilidades de los sistemas educativos de Canadá. El articulo concluye con interesantes aportaciones sobre la estrecha relación entre equidad educativa e inequidad social.
En las últimas décadas, la igualdad de género ha recibido considerable atención. Las políticas de igualdad y no-discriminación auspiciadas por las Naciones Unidas (1979, 2015) han contribuido a crear un nuevo orden de género que exige la inclusión de las cuestiones de género en la docencia universitaria. Sin embargo, a pesar de las declaraciones y desarrollos legislativos, la incorporación de la perspectiva de género en la formación universitaria sigue estando ausente en los planes de estudio e ideario de las facultades casi de forma generalizada. A través de este estudio se diseña y analizan las propiedades psicométricas del índice de Evaluación Sensible a la Formación en Igualdad de Género (ESFIG). Participaron en el estudio un total de 601 estudiantes de último curso de los grados en maestro (educación infantil y primaria) y máster en profesorado educación secundaria elegidos por disponibilidad, 72% mujeres y 28% hombres, con una edad media de 24.31 años que representaban el 61% de las tres cohortes. Los análisis factoriales exploratorio y confirmatorio mostraron que una estructura trifactorial (Inclusión del Género en el Currículum, Sensibilización Institucional a las Políticas de Igualdad y Conciencia de Desigualdades) es adecuada cuando los informantes son los propios estudiantes. Se discute la utilidad del índice como instrumento evaluativo del estado de la transversalización del género en la docencia universitaria y su potencial para ser usado en investigaciones futuras en otros campos, ramas de conocimiento y titulaciones.
The purpose of this paper is to elaborate a critical approach to Ferrajoli's conception of equity. Its author undertakes a critical analysis on the cognitivist conception of jurisdiction to be found in the Italian author, particularly on the role played by equity thereof (as «power of connotation» coming along with the «denotation power», «fact finding power» and «ethical-political disposition power» of the judge) using for this purposes Aristotle's classical theory on equity. In this comparison, Ferrajoli's positivist model is confronted with Aristotle's pragmatic model of rules and with judicial deliberation as practical reasoning, this latter derived from his notion of «prudence» underlying the concept of epieikeia as «correction of the law». It is then that the deficiencies of Ferrajoli's approach to jurisdiction, based on a conception of the notion of truth following the positivist fact-value dichotomy, are observed. The author argues that Ferrajoli's thesis on equity as «connotation of what is denoted by the law» and «understanding of the factual circumstances of the case» really tantamount to the classical formalist conception on jurisdiction. Moreover it is argued that holding this understanding of jurisdiction turns Ferrajoli's positivist constitutionalism inconsistent. For the judicial function, especially in the constitutional rule-of-law state, needs to be considered as inseparable from the notion of truth as practical correction and from the methodical ideal of coherence. ; En este trabajo se hace un análisis crítico de la idea de equidad de Ferrajoli. Para discutir la concepción cognoscitivista de la jurisdicción defendida por el teórico italiano y el lugar que la equidad ocupa en ella (como «poder de connotación», junto a los poderes de «denotación», «comprobación fáctica» y «disposición») se propone una comparación crítica con la teoría clásica de la equidad de Aristóteles. Esta comparación contrasta ese modelo positivista con el modelo pragmático de las reglas y de la deliberación judicial como ...
This article addresses several issues pertinent to health systems governance for health equity. It argues the importance of health systems using measures of positive health (well-being), discriminating in favour of historically less advantaged groups and weighing the costs of health care against investments in the social determinants of health. It cautions that the concept of governance could weaken the role of government, with disequalizing effects, while emphasizing the importance of two elements of good governance (transparency and participation) in health systems decision-making. It distinguishes between participation as volunteer labour and participation as exercising political rights, and questions the assumption that decentralization in health systems is necessarily empowering. It then identifies five health system roles to address issues of equity (educator/watchdog, resource broker, community developer, partnership developer and advocate/catalyst) and the implications of these roles for practice. Drawing on preliminary findings of a global research project on comprehensive primary health care, it discusses political aspects of progressive health system reform and the implications of equity-focused health system governance on health workers' roles, noting the importance of health workers claiming their identity as citizens. The article concludes with a commentary on the inherently political nature of health reforms based on equity; the necessary confrontation with power relations politics involves; and the health systems governance challenge of managing competing health discourses of efficiency and results-based financing, on the one hand, and equity and citizen empowerment, on the other. ; This article addresses several issues pertinent to health systems governance for health equity. It argues the importance of health systems using measures of positive health (well-being), discriminating in favour of historically less advantaged groups and weighing the costs of health care against investments in the social determinants of health. It cautions that the concept of governance could weaken the role of government, with disequalizing effects, while emphasizing the importance of two elements of good governance (transparency and participation) in health systems decision-making. It distinguishes between participation as volunteer labour and participation as exercising political rights, and questions the assumption that decentralization in health systems is necessarily empowering. It then identifies five health system roles to address issues of equity (educator/watchdog, resource broker, community developer, partnership developer and advocate/catalyst) and the implications of these roles for practice. Drawing on preliminary findings of a global research project on comprehensive primary health care, it discusses political aspects of progressive health system reform and the implications of equity-focused health system governance on health workers' roles, noting the importance of health workers claiming their identity as citizens. The article concludes with a commentary on the inherently political nature of health reforms based on equity; the necessary confrontation with power relations politics involves; and the health systems governance challenge of managing competing health discourses of efficiency and results-based financing, on the one hand, and equity and citizen empowerment, on the other.
En este trabajo se hace un análisis crítico de la idea de equidad de Ferrajoli. Para discutir la concepción cognoscitivista de la jurisdicción defendida por el teórico italiano y el lugar que la equidad ocupa en ella (como «poder de connotación», junto a los poderes de «denotación», «comprobación fáctica» y «disposición») se propone una comparación crítica con la teoría clásica de la equidad de Aristóteles. Esta comparación contrasta ese modelo positivista con el modelo pragmático de las reglas y de la deliberación judicial como razonamiento práctico que se deriva de la idea aristotélica de «prudencia» y se encuentra en el trasfondo de la tesis de la epieikeia como «corrección de la ley». A partir de aquí se muestran, por un lado, las insuficiencias del planteamiento ferrajoliano de la jurisdicción basado en una idea de «verdad» deudora de la dicotomía positivista hecho-valor, argumentando que su tesis de la equidad como «connotación de lo que la ley denota» y «comprensión de las circunstancias de hecho del caso» mantiene en el fondo la misma posición del formalismo clásico ilustrado. Por otro lado, se destacan las inconsistencias que tal comprensión supone para el proyecto de constitucionalismo positivista de Ferrajoli, subrayando que la función judicial, y particularmente en el Estado constitucional, es indisociable de la idea de verdad como corrección práctica y de la coherencia como ideal metódico. ; The purpose of this paper is to elaborate a critical approach to Ferrajoli's conception of equity. Its author undertakes a critical analysis on the cognitivist conception of jurisdiction to be found in the Italian author, particularly on the role played by equity thereof (as «power of connotation» coming along with the «denotation power», «fact finding power» and «ethical-political disposition power» of the judge) using for this purposes Aristotle's classical theory on equity. In this comparison, Ferrajoli's positivist model is confronted with Aristotle's pragmatic model of rules and with judicial deliberation as practical reasoning, this latter derived from his notion of «prudence» underlying the concept of epieikeia as «correction of the law». It is then that the deficiencies of Ferrajoli's approach to jurisdiction, based on a conception of the notion of truth following the positivist fact-value dichotomy, are observed. The author argues that Ferrajoli's thesis on equity as «connotation of what is denoted by the law» and «understanding of the factual circumstances of the case» really tantamount to the classical formalist conception on jurisdiction. Moreover it is argued that holding this understanding of jurisdiction turns Ferrajoli's positivist constitutionalism inconsistent. For the judicial function, especially in the constitutional rule-of-law state, needs to be considered as inseparable from the notion of truth as practical correction and from the methodical ideal of coherence. ; Este trabajo ha sido realizado en el marco del proyecto de investigación Constitucionalismo y argumentación (DER2010-21032) financiado por el Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación.
Este trabajo analiza qué tan equitativos son los impuestos más importantes en términos de recaudo para el Gobierno Nacional, el Impuesto al Valor Agregado (IVA) y el impuesto sobre la renta. En el caso del IVA, se estudian los efectos de la estructura tributaria sobre la distribución del ingreso a partir de técnicas no paramétricas. En el impuesto sobre la renta, divido entre personas jurídicas y naturales, se destaca el papel jugado por los beneficios tributarios sobre el recaudo y la equidad. Se encuentra que la estructura del IVA es regresiva, que el impuesto sobre la renta sobre las personas jurídicas exhibe fuertes inequidades horizontales y que el impuesto sobre la renta de las personas naturales es ligeramente progresivo por efecto de los beneficios tributarios. ; This paper analyzes the distributional effects of the most important taxes for the Central Government of Colombia, the Value Added Tax (VAT) and the income tax. In the case of the VAT, the effects of the tax structure on the distribution of income are studied using non-parametric techniques. The analysis of the income tax is undertaken separately for corporations and for individuals. Both cases highlight the critical role played by tax benefits on tax collections and on equity. We find that the VAT is regressive; the corporate income tax exhibits strong horizontal inequality; and the income tax on individuals is only slightly progressive on account of the tax benefits.
The Government of Cantabria 2007-2011 Action Plan encourages equal opportunity, equity and opening schools to the community. The plan is divided into fourteen specific objectives designed to achieve higher ratings of suitability, improve the image of teaching staff, promote multilingual competence, integrate ICTs into the curriculum, and modernise the management of the Public Administration and the schools within the Autonomous Community.The purpose of this article is to describe and analyse the policies that support innovation in the schools in the Autonomous Community of Cantabria. The method of research was a mixed (quantitative and qualitative) study, and data was collected by means of questionnaires, discussion groups and case studies. The sample population included 45 schools providing compulsory education.The results of the research showed that the teaching staff is well informed about the general guidelines governing the region's innovation policy, satisfied with the work carried out in the past legislature, and does not always agree with the Administration's criteria for selecting projects or with the help they receive for developing the projects. The innovative schools in Cantabria are characterized by their dedication to the project; the greater number of processes of group reflection, more productive working time, and a higher degree of satisfaction among the teaching staff with the support they receive.
Se analizan dos vertientes del entendimiento de libertad en la literatura clásica. Por un lado, se refiere a complejas relaciones entre el individuo y su gobierno y la ausencia relativa de control oficial sobre las acciones individuales y privadas. Por otro lado, se refiere a la calidad o el estado de ser libre, que es una característica de la persona independiente del entorno externo. Para Amartya Sen, la segunda definición permite entender la libertad en términos de oportunidades en un contexto de equidad. Independiente de lo que se permite o limita formalmente, la política pública promueve la libertad y el desarrollo cuando los ciudadanos pueden actuar a base de opciones reales en condiciones sociales, políticas, económicas y culturales existentes. ; Two interpretations of an understanding of liberty in the classical literature are discussed. On one hand, the term refers to complex relations between the individual and the government and the relative absence of official control over individual and private actions. On the other hand, the term refers to the quality or status of being free, which is a characteristic of the person independent of the external environment. According to Amartya Sen, the second definition allows us to understand liberty in terms of opportunities in the context of equity. Independent of what is formally allowed or limited, public policy promotes liberty and development when citizens can act on the basis of real options within existing social, political, economic, and cultural conditions.
Two interpretations of an understanding of liberty in the classical literature are discussed. On one hand, the term refers to complex relations between the individual and the government and the relative absence of official control over individual and private actions. On the other hand, the term refers to the quality or status of being free, which is a characteristic of the person independent of the external environment. According to Amartya Sen, the second definition allows us to understand liberty in terms of opportunities in the context of equity. Independent of what is formally allowed or limited, public policy promotes liberty and development when citizens can act on the basis of real options within existing social, political, economic, and cultural conditions. ; Se analizan dos vertientes del entendimiento de libertad en la literatura clásica. Por un lado, se refiere a complejas relaciones entre el individuo y su gobierno y la ausencia relativa de control oficial sobre las acciones individuales y privadas. Por otro lado, se refiere a la calidad o el estado de ser libre, que es una característica de la persona independiente del entorno externo. Para Amartya Sen, la segunda definición permite entender la libertad en términos de oportunidades en un contexto de equidad. Independiente de lo que se permite o limita formalmente, la política pública promueve la libertad y el desarrollo cuando los ciudadanos pueden actuar a base de opciones reales en condiciones sociales, políticas, económicas y culturales existentes.
In 2008 the Basque Ministry for Education published a document called "Priority lines for educational innovation" which contained the guidelines for educational innovation in the Basque Autonomous Community. The principles of inclusion, diversity, equity and perspectives for the future are the elements governing the policy for change in the Basque Country. The priority areas promoted by the Government are multiculturalism, multilingualism, school autonomy, coexistence, ICTs, science education and educational quality. The purpose of this article is to describe and analyse the policies developed by the Ministry for Education in the BasqueAutonomous Community. The method of research was a mixed (quantitative and qualitative) expost facto study, and data was collected by means of questionnaires, interviews and discussion groups. The sample population included 143 schools providing compulsory education. The results of the research showed that teachers in the Basque Country consider the Government's action as highly dispersed, not focusing on the more important objectives, and covering too many areas; the teaching staff dissatisfied with the help they receive, they feel the criteria used to select training and innovation projects is not adequate, and, lastly, they claim that the schools should have more autonomy in terms of human resources management. The most innovative schools in the Basque Country are characterised by greater degree of team reflection, having clear rules and guidelines governing working in groups, showing more dedication to the project, better time management, and a higher degree of satisfaction among the teaching staff with support received from the school administration.
Economic deregulation has already caused tears in the social fabric threatening our social model. Once it is destroyed, as social cohesion is no longer a main objective of Policies, many people are in process of social exclusion, if not excluded, and neglected, increasing even more the inherited gap, created by an obsessive pursuit of profit. It is unlikely that politics will address these social injuries, consequence of placing the economy above all. Only solidarity flows within our societies will be able to act as a barrier to avoid the collapse of social equity. The engine of these flows is social economy; born out of solidarity can help building social cohesion while creating wealth. ; La economía desregulada ha dado muestras ya de desgarros sociales que van contra el modelo social. Destruido éste, al quedar en segundo plano la cohesión social como objetivo político, quedan las personas en procesos de exclusión social, si no ya excluidas, y con desatenciones que agrietan más aún, si cabe, la brecha heredada por un comportamiento obsesionado de búsqueda del beneficio. No será lo política quien se ocupe de estas heridas, al haber situado a la economía en el primer lugar. Solo actuarán de barrera frente al desmoronamiento de la equidad social los flujos solidarios existentes en la sociedad. Entre ellos, la economía social es un eje motor que nace de la solidaridad y construye cohesión social en la creación de riqueza.
Higher education has an increasing importance in shaping countries standardof living and socio - economic conditions of its citizens. Governmentsaround the world contribute to its financing in the belief that educationis a merit good, provides external benefits and help to achieve a moreegalitarian society. However, the presumption that a relevant amount ofstate aid or even gratuity could not be enough to reach the equality ofeducational opportunities gave rise to several studies aimed at identifyingthe true beneficiary of the subsidy hidden in public funding. In order toexplore the income distribution effects of state aid this paper groupshouseholds according to income levels, estimates the benefits that receiveeach of them measured as free enrollment, on the one hand, and contributionsto financing through the tax system on the other, and thus obtains the nettransfers. Its findings suggest that in Argentina higher education seems tohave both a moderate progressive redistribution effect from the rich andregressive from the poor towards the middle class. A behaviour that isexplained because tax system is progressive, poor have access barriers,private institutions offer good quality options to wealthy citizens and alarge fraction of people belonging to middle class attend the public highereducation sector. ; El protagonismo que tiene la tecnología en los procesos productivosmodernos está confiriendo a la educación, y particularmente a la superior,una importancia creciente en la determinación del nivel de vida de un paísy por consiguiente en las posibilidades de progreso económico y social desus habitantes. Todos los gobiernos contribuyen en distinta medida afinanciarla para aumentar su difusión porque entienden que proporcionabeneficios externos a toda la comunidad, que se trata de un bien meritorio,y que de ese modo ayudan a lograr una sociedad mas igualitaria. Sinembargo, la sospecha de que un elevado aporte público o aún la gratuidadpodrían ser insuficientes para alcanzar esa igualdad de oportunidades dioorigen a numerosos estudios orientados a determinar quienes son losverdaderos beneficiarios de ese subsidio implícito. Con el objeto de reunirevidencias empíricas en esta dirección el trabajo agrupa a las familiasconforme a sus niveles de ingreso, calcula los beneficios que les proporcionala matriculación gratuita y su contribución al financiamiento medianteel pago de tributos, y estima por diferencia los subsidios que recibecada grupo. Sus resultados en líneas generales sugieren que la educaciónsuperior gratuita parece tener en Argentina un moderado efectoredistributivo progresivo desde los ricos y regresivo desde los pobres hacia las clases media, y media alta, una circunstancia que se explicaría porqueel sistema tributario es progresivo, los pobres tienen dificultades de acceso,el sector privado ofrece buenas opciones a los ricos, y los individuosprovenientes de las clases media y media alta son usuarios intensivos delsistema.