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The author analyzes the position of Croatia following the Dayton accord. These accords have secured the integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina, based on the consociational principle as stipulated by Arend Lijphart. However, fierce integrational nationalisms still rage in B&H, they spill over into the neighbouring states where they create military and political instability. In Croatia, the populist and vindictive nationalism is on the wane, but not so th original democratic nationalism. The latter is manifested in its twin task: on to join the prestigious union of European states while the other is to go on w the unification of the entire Croatian ethnic corpus. The first brand of nationalism has been trying by hook or by crook to ensure a place for Croatia the Council of Europe in order to escape the trap of a community of Balkan states as envisaged by Eurostrategists and their latest "globally regional European" policy. Thus, the post-Dayton Croatia will be marked by fault-lines and conflicts between these two types of nationalisms; one, pro-European and the other integrational (aimed at bringing together the entire Croatian ethnos). (SOI : PM: S. 149)

The author thinks that the American political and military initiative in Bosnia and Herzegovina has stopped the four year war and enhanced the American influence in the region. European Union has reacted to the latest developments by adopting a new regional approach towards the countries of southeastern Europe. This approach has been employed in relation to other European and Mediterranean regions outside EU as well (central and eastern Europe, the Baltic states, the Mediterranean countries, the Union of Independent States). EU's policy towards Croatia is extremely reserved. It has insisted on a set of preconditions being fulfilled by Croatia before the negotiations about Croatia's membership in this organization may even commence. Croatia wants to forge links with the EU and is willing to comply with its demands, but is highly sceptical of regional associations. (SOI: PM: S. 161)

Posle prijema Hrvatske sredinom 2013. godine, može se računati s tim da će proces širenja Evropske unije na Zapadni Balkan i Tursku biti privremeno zaustavljen, možda na deset godina ili čak još duže. Na koji način Evropska unija uprkos tome može da obezbedi da ostane kao pokretačka snaga rešavanja sukoba u zemljama Zapadnog Balkana i kako može da spreči opadanje evropskog uticaja na Tursku, kao sve značajnijeg činioca u međunarodnim odnosima? Trebalo bi da integriše kandidate još pre prijema u što je moguće više različitih oblasti tako da bude sačuvana stabilizirajuće i demokratizirajuće dejstvo politike širenja EU