Suchergebnisse

After Myanmar ended military rule in 2011, significant foreign investment arrived to facilitate a profitable transition to an integrated regional economy, and under the promise that foreign actors can help facilitate peaceful long-term development. However, these firms have also tacitly supported an ethnic cleansing committed by the government that most have partnered with or funded. This article builds theory on economic opening, development and conflict, using research from Myanmar to forward three arguments about business actions in fragile, at-risk countries. First, international-led regulatory reform has had little impact on endemic corruption at the micro- or meso-levels, as local elites and international businesses remain the primary beneficiaries. Second, 'development' is a contentious topic, defined locally not as broad societal growth but the unjustified picking of winners and losers in society by foreign entities. Third, business ventures are exacerbating ethnic tensions through a liberal peace-building mentality that is unresponsive to either local conflicts or local communities. The article closes by offering three ways that these findings open future research avenues on business engagement as peace-builders and development agents in developing yet fragile states.

AbstractThis article draws on my book Bosnia and the Destruction of Cultural Heritage,1 which incorporates ground-breaking fieldwork in Bosnia-Herzegovina and extensive research, and on my subsequent research and fieldwork in the post-conflict country. In the article, I explore the meaning that restoration and reconstruction of cultural heritage intentionally destroyed during conflict can have, particularly to the forcibly displaced. With the protection of cultural heritage increasingly being treated as an important human right and with the impact that forcible displacement during armed conflict has on cultural identity now in the spotlight, the importance of cultural heritage for those ethnically cleansed in Bosnia-Herzegovina during the 1992–95 war (both those who returned and those who did not) has relevance for considerations of contemporary post-conflict populations.

The Conquest of Texas is the story of the struggle between Anglos and Indians for land. Anderson tells how Scotch-Irish settlers clashed with farming tribes and then challenged the Comanches and Kiowas for their hunting grounds. Next, the decade-long conflict with Mexico merged with war against Indians. For fifty years Texas remained in a virtual state of war

Tracing the decline of Yugoslav identity: a case for 'invisible' ethnic cleansingThis essay explores the concept of invisible ethnic cleansing by examining the remaining group of self-identifying Yugoslavs who continue to identify themselves as such despite the break-up of Yugoslavia, the country that shaped and constituted the focal point of their identity. The analysis argues that the lack of recognition of the Yugoslav identity during the country's disintegration as well as afterwards in the individual republics befitted the new nationalistic and distinctly anti-Yugoslav narratives adopted by individual post-Yugoslav republics. The sheer existence and acknowledgment of the Yugoslav identity could therefore disprove the new nationalistic tenets. The essay begins by setting up an analytical framework for the study of invisible ethnic cleansing and Yugoslav identity by examining the concepts of ethnic cleansing, nationalism, group destruction and ethnicity. It goes on to establish the historical background for Yugoslavia's break up and looks at Yugoslavia's 'nationalities policy', the break up itself and the role of the West and the Western media. Finally, the study identifies the hegemonic power of current nation-states reflected in the media, education and government-sponsored intellectual efforts, as those that control the image of the past can erase from it the memory of the disappeared states and the identities connected to them. The bulk of the analysis and the conclusions drawn were based on personal memoires and accounts of self-identifying Yugoslavs in order to preserve the memories of marginalized and forgotten groups as well as to stress the importance of counter-memory, which can challenge the narrative promoted by dominant groups and oppressive states. Moreover, the novel concept of invisible ethnic cleansing introduced will allow scholars to examine the loss of supranational identities, which accompany the dissolutions of multinational states. Jak ginie tożsamość jugosłowiańska: przypadek "niewidzialnej" czystki etnicznejEsej podejmuje kwestię niewidzialnej czystki etnicznej, w oparciu o badania nad grupą osób samoidentyfikujących się jako Jugosłowianie, które nadal tak właśnie siebie identyfikują pomimo rozpadu Jugoslawii - kraju, który ukształtował ich tożsamość i stworzył dla niej punkt odniesienia. Analiza dowodzi, że nieuznawanie tożsamości jugosłowiańskiej w okresie dezintegracji Jugosławii i po rozpadzie tego kraju w poszczególnych republikach przyniosło nowe nacjonalistyczne i wyraźnie antyjugosłowiańskie narracje przyjęte przez poszczególne republiki postjugosłowiańskie. Samo istnienie i uznanie tożsamości jugosłowiańskiej mogłoby zatem podważać nowo wyznaczone nacjonalistyczne cele. Autorka najpierw wyznacza ramy analitycznego podejścia do niewidzialnej czystki etnicznej i tożsamości jugosłowiańskiej poprzez analizę takich pojęć, jak: czystka etniczna, nacjonalizm, destrukcja grupy i etniczność. Następnie przechodzi do omówienia historycznego tła rozpadu Jugosławii i "polityki narodowościowej" Jugosławii, samego rozpadu kraju oraz roli, jaką odegrał Zachód i media zachodnie. Ostatnia część opracowania zawiera ustalenia odnoszące się do hegemonii władzy współczesnych państw narodowych, która odzwierciedla się w mediach, szkolnictwie i wspieranych przez rząd wysiłkach intelektualnych, ci bowiem którzy zawiadują obrazem przeszłości mogą z niej wymazać pamięć o państwach, które przestały istnieć i o związanych z nimi tożsamościach. Analiza i wnioski w zasadniczej części opierają się na wspomnieniach osobistych i relacjach samoidentyfikujących się Jugosłowian, którzy dążą do zachowania pamięci o marginalizowanych i zapomnianych grupach, jak też podkreślenia wagi kontrpamięci, mogącej stać się wyzwaniem dla narracji promowanej przez grupy dominujące i opresyjne państwa. Ponadto, wprowadzona tu nowa koncepcja niewidzialnej czystki etnicznej pozwoli badaczom zgłębiać utratę tożsamości ponadnarodowych, która towarzyszy rozpadowi państw wielonarodowościowych.

What happens when an armed group has military incentives to engage in ethnic cleansing, but political incentives to abstain? I argue that militants can solve this dilemma by collecting intelligence that allows them to discriminate between neutral and militant non-coethnics and target only the latter. Armed groups are better able to do so in intermixed areas, where loyal coethnics provide intelligence, and thus more likely to perpetrate selective violence in such locations. Homogenous, non-coethnic enclaves are more susceptible to ethnic cleansing as armed groups often have little choice but to use ethnicity as proxy for political loyalties. I elaborate and test this argument using an original data set and extensive interviews on a critical case in the literature on ethnic cleansing: the Lebanese civil war of 1975 to 1990.

This book argues that the «international community» created and managed the dysfunctional state of Bosnia and Herzegovina by effectively rewarding ethnic cleansing, drawing up a transitional constitution which, in turn, generated a complex ethnifying polity incapable of independent reform. This constitution, which was only added as an annex to the Dayton Peace Agreement, has continued to encourage ethnification, understood in this book as the reproduction of imagined communities of descent. While accepting that foreign interference was necessary to end the war in the late 1990s, the book offers a critical review of the actions of the Office of the High Representative of the International Community (OHR) and other foreign actors since that period. It includes meticulous examination of hundreds of OHR decisions, as well as secret diplomatic cables published by Wikileaks revealing how the US embassy intervened in the country's trade and foreign policy. Drawing on a process-sociological perspective, the book interrogates the notion of ethnicity and offers a radical new perspective on post-war state-building in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

This book argues that the «international community» created and managed the dysfunctional state of Bosnia and Herzegovina by effectively rewarding ethnic cleansing, drawing up a transitional constitution which, in turn, generated a complex ethnifying polity incapable of independent reform. This constitution, which was only added as an annex to the Dayton Peace Agreement, has continued to encourage ethnification, understood in this book as the reproduction of imagined communities of descent.While accepting that foreign interference was necessary to end the war in the late 1990s, the book offers a critical review of the actions of the Office of the High Representative of the International Community (OHR) and other foreign actors since that period. It includes meticulous examination of hundreds of OHR decisions, as well as secret diplomatic cables published by Wikileaks revealing how the US embassy intervened in the country's trade and foreign policy.Drawing on a process-sociological perspective, the book interrogates the notion of ethnicity and offers a radical new perspective on post-war state-building in Bosnia and Herzegovina

What happens when an armed group has military incentives to engage in ethnic cleansing, but political incentives to abstain? I argue that militants can solve this dilemma by collecting intelligence that allows them to discriminate between neutral and militant non-coethnics and target only the latter. Armed groups are better able to do so in intermixed areas, where loyal coethnics provide intelligence, and thus more likely to perpetrate selective violence in such locations. Homogenous, non-coethnic enclaves are more susceptible to ethnic cleansing as armed groups often have little choice but to use ethnicity as proxy for political loyalties. I elaborate and test this argument using an original data set and extensive interviews on a critical case in the literature on ethnic cleansing: the Lebanese civil war of 1975 to 1990.

The Knights of the Forest was an 1863 secret society that formed in Mankato, MN, during the aftermath of the U.S.-Dakota War. They took an oath to advocate for the banishment of "all Indians" from the state of Minnesota. But newspaper articles written by and about four members show that the organization was only concerned with the exile of the Ho-Chunk people, who had not participated in the U.S.-Dakota War. In the winter of 1862-1863, settlers in the Mankato region pressured the federal government for Ho-Chunk removal under the threat of extermination of the Ho-Chunk people. Their reservation had comprised the majority of prime farmland in Blue Earth County just southeast of Mankato since 1855. The Knights of the Forest sent armed men to surround the Ho-Chunk land and shoot anyone who crossed the line. Once the Ho-Chunk were forced from the county in May of 1863, the secret society ceased to exist. Hundreds of Ho-Chunk people died because of their removal from Minnesota. Conditions at Crow Creek Reservation in South Dakota were so desolate many left to Omaha or back to their Wisconsin homeland within months. Meanwhile, new settlers moved onto their former southwestern Minnesota reservation, and Blue Earth County experienced its earliest economic expansion at the expense of the Ho-Chunk Nation.

This paper focuses on popular songs that were performed on Kenya's mega historical period of 2007/2008. The country experienced socio-political conflict precipitated on the winner of the Presidential race, hence the ethnic cleansing. New Historicism arrives at a deeper insight into the context of the songs. It is interested in the reconstruction of the actual relations among people at a particular time. The presidential aspirants named in the chaos, remain historical personages in Kenya. This discussion reveals the interaction between poetics and political history. The discussed poets immersed themselves in the real historical phenomena positioning themselves as spokespersons on the upheavals. The chapter is based on song-texts selected from Gikuyu artists who engaged the audience on the events.

On forgetfulness and its perils -- The state of research on the 1989 expulsion -- The 1989 ethnic cleansing through the lens of the international press -- The ethnic cleansing's aftermath and the regime change -- The official coming to terms with the 1989 ethnic cleansing