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Abstract The Malaysian society, one of the successful and managed multi-ethnic societies, is replete of imbalances and there still underlie the racial and ethnic disproportions in geographical dwellings, educational and professional fields, and economic and political roles. The modern racial relation in Malaysia is the legacy of pre-colonial and colonial period of history dating back to fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The unstable demographic balance, the unrestricted immigration policy or the policy of divide and rule by the colonial masters contributed besides other reasons toward the troubled relations between ethnic communities of Malaysia- Malays, Chinese, Indians, and others. But the way the respective Malaysian governments have managed such sour relationship in their socio-economic and political spheres is the lesson that all multiethnic states can learn from.

Australia has received one of the relatively largest and most diverse intakes of immigrants of any of the Western nations, with more than half of the population of Australia's largest cities first- or second-generation immigrants. The tourism literature places great importance on the cultural industries and the growth of cultural tourism in countries like Australia. But the link between immigration, ethnic diversity, and tourism, which we call ethnic tourism, in Australia and elsewhere has received little attention by scholars. By ethnic tourism we mean not only the tourism by ethnic minorities to countries like Australia but also the way that nonminority tourists-in Australia, this means British, New Zealand, and North American tourists-are attracted to ethnic tourist sites such as ethnic precincts. The cosmopolitan character of Australia's largest cities, a result of the great ethnic diversity of Australia's immigration intake over the past 60 years, has lead to the development of ethnic tourism, a subset of cultural tourism. Ethnic tourism thus includes tourism to destinations that are labeled, marketed, and identified with the cultural diversity of a particular minority ethnic group. Ethnic precincts such as Chinatown, Little Italy, Thaitown, and Koreatown attract customers who are locals, national tourists, or international tourists to experience the "ethnic neighborhoods" of the city. These customers are often attracted by the presence of ethnic businesses-restaurants, shops, services-set up by ethnic entrepreneurs. Some tourists may be seeking an "authentic" ethnic experience in the precinct. This may involve the quality and style of food, the smells and sounds arising from restaurants, the presence of locals and "co-ethnic" customers and staff, and the de´cor and iconography of the streetscape, buildings, and landmarks. Ethnic communities and local governments may also hold ethnic festivals and events which attract both tourists and locals. Focusing on the links between immigration, ethnic diversity, and tourism, this article concentrates on the supply side of one site of the ethnic tourism industry in Australia: that of ethnic precincts in Australian cities. Drawing on recent fieldwork with tourists, entrepreneurs, ethnic community leaders, and local and state government officials in two metropolitan ethnic precincts (Sydney's Chinatown and Perth's Northbridge), this article explores some critical dimensions of the interface between immigration, ethnic diversity, and tourism. The positioning of ethnic precincts as tourism products includes contradictory and complex issues of authenticity, employment, the representation of ethnicity, consultation with migrant communities, negotiations with local government authorities, and marketing and promotion activities. The article concludes that while historical patterns of immigration and immigrant settlement have changed over time, ethnic precincts are important, though changing, sites of urban ethnic tourism in Australia and thus fertile sites to begin to understand the complex and changing links between immigration, ethnic diversity, and tourism in contemporary cosmopolitan cities.

Australia has received one of the relatively largest and most diverse intakes of immigrants of any of the Western nations, with more than half of the population of Australia's largest cities first- or second-generation immigrants. The tourism literature places great importance on the cultural industries and the growth of cultural tourism in countries like Australia. But the link between immigration, ethnic diversity, and tourism, which we call ethnic tourism, in Australia and elsewhere has received little attention by scholars. By ethnic tourism we mean not only the tourism by ethnic minorities to countries like Australia but also the way that nonminority tourists-in Australia, this means British, New Zealand, and North American tourists-are attracted to ethnic tourist sites such as ethnic precincts. The cosmopolitan character of Australia's largest cities, a result of the great ethnic diversity of Australia's immigration intake over the past 60 years, has lead to the development of ethnic tourism, a subset of cultural tourism. Ethnic tourism thus includes tourism to destinations that are labeled, marketed, and identified with the cultural diversity of a particular minority ethnic group. Ethnic precincts such as Chinatown, Little Italy, Thaitown, and Koreatown attract customers who are locals, national tourists, or international tourists to experience the "ethnic neighborhoods" of the city. These customers are often attracted by the presence of ethnic businesses-restaurants, shops, services-set up by ethnic entrepreneurs. Some tourists may be seeking an "authentic" ethnic experience in the precinct. This may involve the quality and style of food, the smells and sounds arising from restaurants, the presence of locals and "co-ethnic" customers and staff, and the de´cor and iconography of the streetscape, buildings, and landmarks. Ethnic communities and local governments may also hold ethnic festivals and events which attract both tourists and locals. Focusing on the links between immigration, ethnic diversity, and tourism, this article concentrates on the supply side of one site of the ethnic tourism industry in Australia: that of ethnic precincts in Australian cities. Drawing on recent fieldwork with tourists, entrepreneurs, ethnic community leaders, and local and state government officials in two metropolitan ethnic precincts (Sydney's Chinatown and Perth's Northbridge), this article explores some critical dimensions of the interface between immigration, ethnic diversity, and tourism. The positioning of ethnic precincts as tourism products includes contradictory and complex issues of authenticity, employment, the representation of ethnicity, consultation with migrant communities, negotiations with local government authorities, and marketing and promotion activities. The article concludes that while historical patterns of immigration and immigrant settlement have changed over time, ethnic precincts are important, though changing, sites of urban ethnic tourism in Australia and thus fertile sites to begin to understand the complex and changing links between immigration, ethnic diversity, and tourism in contemporary cosmopolitan cities.

The book, which I have the pleasure to introduce to the readers, is one of the first collections of sociological studies which take comprehensively — though by no means in an exhaustive way — the problems of national and ethnic minorities in Poland, as well as their relations with the national and ethnic majority of the population of the country in question. The issues dealt with in this book are of great importance both in their cognitive and practical aspect. In the history of Poland, its most recent chapter included, multinationality and — connected with it to some extent — multi-religion never were matters of marginal significance, however marginalized they were from time to time for political reasons. According to the data obtained in the 1931 census: "Poles constituted 68.9% of the society, the Ukrainians made 13.9%, Jews 8.6%, Belarussians 3.1%, Germans 2.3%, while other nationalities the remaining 3.2% of the population of Poland" (Lodziriski, 1995). (fragment tekstu)

Qualitative theories of ethnic violence and rebellion have traditionally argued the importance of broad long-term processes that escalate ethnic tensions. Alternatively, quantitative scholarship has focused more narrowly on the question of onset. In this dissertation, I break with this tradition and quantitatively examine the structural factors associated with the escalation of ethnic tensions, including, but not limited to, the onset of ethnic rebellion. I build upon and refine elements of a power and legitimacy school of scholarship to shed light on three critical points of escalation in ethno-political power relations. First, the politicization of ethnic boundaries is more likely in states with limited resources and lower levels of ethnic diversity or abundant resources and higher levels of ethnic diversity. Second, in those states where ethnic boundaries have already been politicized, state sanctioned ethnic exclusion is more likely when resources are scarce and ethnic diversity is higher or resources are abundant and ethnic diversity is lower. Third, in those states where state sanctioned ethnic exclusion is practiced, ethnic rebellion is more likely when the size of the excluded population increases but the ethnic diversity of the excluded population remains lower. Importantly, even when the excluded population is very large, ethnic rebellions become less likely as the ethnic diversity of the excluded population increases. I test these hypotheses using the Ethnic Power Relations (EPR) Dataset, which includes the world's independent states from 1946 through 2005. Aside from the substantive contributions regarding the escalation of ethnic tensions, as a whole, the dissertation argues for, and demonstrates, the importance of quantitatively engaging with the entirety of qualitative theoretical perspectives, rather than just limiting quantitative inquiry to the onset of ethnic violence.

The Declaration of Independence of Kosovo on February 17, 2008 was based on the so- called "Ahtisaari package", prepared by the envoy of the General Secretary of the United Nations, Martti Ahtisaari. The general conditions were related to the democratic and multi-ethnic nature of the state, but particularly they had to do with the granting and guaranteeing the rights of national minorities or minority communities as referred to the document. Among other elements, the proposal presumed that through decentralization of local government and the foundation of new municipalities where minority communities live, to guarantee their self- government as a process of acceptance and integration in the state of Kosovo. The aim of this paper is to demonstrate that decentralization and the foundation of new municipalities, especially the Serb community in Kosovo, more than helped with their self-government has led to their disintegration and isolation, deepen even more the separation from the ethnic majority population in Kosovo. The Association of Serb municipalities reached in Brussels on August 2015, demonstrates the tendency of the local Serb municipalities to connect to an autonomous political organisation, as a preliminary phase towards the total boycott of the Kosovo state.

Ethnic diversity is considered detrimental to national unity, especially if ethnicity is politically mobilized: ethnic parties in electoral competition in particular are thought to increase the salience of ethnic differences and with it ethnic tensions. Yet the individual links of this psychological chain have only been examined cross-sectionally, and never together. This paper employs original longitudinal survey data to simultaneously assess changes in ingroup identification, outgroup aversion, and national identification over the election period within one diverse society: Romania. While ingroup identification does increase, ethnic relations do not worsen. On the contrary, outgroup aversion decreases while national identification increases, for minority and majority Romanian citizens alike. I explain these findings with the common ingroup identity model from social psychology: elections in ethnically diverse societies may not only increase the salience of ethnic groups but also that of the superordinate, national identity. The findings question the often-assumed automaticity of intergroup threat.

It is well established that there are differentials in health among individuals of different Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) heritage. BME communities are unevenly concentrated across England and Wales. This paper examines the effect of residential density of one's own ethnic group on physical health outcomes in England and Wales. In addition, it explores whether the effects of ethnic density on physical health outcomes are concealed by area deprivation, and whether individual economic deprivation and area deprivation play a role in this relationship. Data on BME and White British individuals from the first wave of the UK Household Longitudinal Study (Understanding Society) are linked with ethnic density characteristics from the 2011 UK Census and with the Index of Multiple Deprivation (IMD) from the 2010 English and Welsh Governments. Multilevel logistic regression is then employed in the analysis. The results show that individuals from BME groups who live in areas with a high density of their own ethnic group are more likely to report poor health, but these effects are mediated by both individual economic deprivation and area deprivation. The results highlight that facilitating the improvement of economic and social conditions for individuals in deprived areas could help to reduce the negative differentials in health outcomes experienced by individuals from BME communities.

Ethnicconflict have been the predominant form of collective violence in the post-Cold War period. Nevertheless, there is little, if any, agreement on the causes of ethnic conflict. This article subjects the predominant theories of ethnic conflict to empirical testing. It, first, conceptualizes and extracts the major explanatory factors out of predominant theories of ethnic conflict. Then, it operationalizes such causal factors and transforms them into measurable indicators. Finally, it tests the explanatory power of the theories of ethnic conflict by using the data from Minorities at Risk Project. According to the findings, greater levels of political discrimination, and more recent and greater losses of political autonomy are expected to lead to higher levels of ethnic rebellion. Overall the results indicate that ethnic rebellion is a political matter. Therefore, we can conclude that ethnic violence is not the fate of some countries, but susceptible to political engineering to a great extent. ; Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde kolektif şiddetin baskın yöntemi etnik çatışmalar olmuştur. Ancak etnik çatışmaların nedenleri konusunda halen bir fikir birliği sağlanmış değildir.Bu makale başlıca etnik çatışma teorilerini empirik teste tabi tutmaktadır.Makale öncelikle bu teorilerdeki başlıca açıklayıcı faktörleri seçip kavramsallaştırır. Bunun akabinde bu açıklayıcı faktörleri temsil eden kavramları değişkenlere, bu değişkenleri de ölçülebilir göstergelere dönüştürür. Son olarak Minorities at Risk Project verilerini kullanarak etnik çatışma teorilerinin açıklama gücünü test eder. Bulgulara göre, siyasi ayrımcılık ile yakın zamanlarda ve büyük ölçekli siyasi otonomi kaybı daha şiddetli etnik ayaklanmalara neden olmaktadır.Genel itibariyle sonuçlar etnik çatışmanın siyasi bir mesele olduğunu ortaya koymaktadır.Bu nedenle etnik şiddetin birtakım ülkelerin kaderi olmadığı, bilakis büyük ölçüde siyasi tasarımlara duyarlı olduğu sonucuna varabiliriz.

Historically, the emergence of mass politics has depended upon a minimum of social heterogeneity (LaPalombara and Weiner 1966; Dahl 1966; Lipset and Rokkan 1967). Religious, economic, ethnic, linguistic, and regional differences provided social cleavages along which organizations, especially political ones, developed. The number, salience and centrality, and political significance of the cleavages varied among societies but the existence of differences, their expression as groups within the larger society, and their politicization are virtual constants. In all mass democracies, not excluding the United States, parties are instruments of collective action through which groups promote and protect interests which are not satisfied by the usual operation of the social structure and markets. As a result, groups provide the working politician with a guide to the elec- torate, and it is the rare one who deals with it in any other fashion. The variety of groups with which parties and office-seekers must deal varies greatly among societies. In some cases the lines of cleavage are few and, relatively speaking, simple: parties coincide with a few groups, and sometimes only one. In other cases, supporters of a party are religiously, ethnically, racially, linguis- tically, and class heterogeneous; no group, however defined, represents more than a fraction of a party's supporters (Rose and Urwin 1969). Whether their base is heterogeneous or homogeneous, politicians reinforce it through their appeals to the electorate. The heterogeneity of a party's support is, however, an important variable. Parties with a homogeneous clientele present a homogeneous programmatic face to the electorate because, ceteris paribus, the interests and concerns of their supporters are more focused. Heterogeneous par- ties, by contrast, enjoy agreement on a smaller number of issues because, again, ceteris paribus, the social and economic differences which divide their supporters also promote inconsistent issue agendas among them. The apparent programmatic vagueness of the American parties reflects the diversity of their coalitions. Southern California is an appropriate observatory for the study of party coalitions because it offers an opportunity to examine further some political con- sequences of social heterogeneity. Two issues are examined in this paper. First, how is the social diversity of the electorate represented in the parties? Do the parties mobilize groups different from those in the national parties? Do the "new" ethnics have a particular impact on the coalitions? Second, how do the local parties represent the policy agendas of the groups that constitute their support base?

Ethnicity and identity. particularly for Nepal with diverse human and cultural groups, has become more important in the context of number of ethnic upsurges accompanying macro-level social movements in Nepal, resulting in a radical transformation in the political system. Given the context, this paper aimed to reflect one of the many dimensions of ethnic activism in historical context focused on one of Nepal's least studied ethnic groups, the Paharis. Further, the paper also attempted to connect the categorization of human groups with the politics of identity. The paper is prepared by extensive reviews supplemented by a number of in-depth interviews among the given community around Kathmandu, Lalitpur, Kabhrepalanchok, and Sindhupalchok district. The paper concludes that Pahari ethnicity and activism have their own trajectory within the broader ethnic movement and activism that became apparent after 1990, followed by the movement initiated by other ethnic groups.

In most studies of the impact of ethnic diversity on economic growth, diversity is hypothesized to affect growth through its effect on macroeconomic policies. This article shows that most measures of ethnic diversity (including the commonly used ELF measure) are inappropriate for testing this hypothesis. This is because they are constructed from enumerations of ethnic groups that include all of the ethnographically distinct groups in a country irrespective of whether or not they engage in the political competition whose effects on macroeconomic policy making are being tested. I present a new index of ethnic fractionalization based on an accounting of politically relevant ethnic groups in 42 African countries. I employ this measure (called PREG, for Politically Relevant Ethnic Groups) to replicate Easterly and Levine's influential article on Africa's "growth tragedy." I find that PREG does a Much better job of accounting for the policy-mediated effects of ethnic diversity on economic growth in Africa than does ELF.

While the image of modern Myanmar/Burma tends to be couched in human rights terms - and especially of a heroic Aung San Suu Kyi opposing an oppressive military regime - in reality there are several conflicts with ethnic and religious dimensions, as well as political and ideological differences between the opposition and the ruling military regime. This is not surprising in a country where 30% of the population and much of the land area are non-Burman, and where contradictory tendencies towards regional separatism versus unitary rule have divided the people since before independence. In what is probably the most comprehensive study of Burma's ethnic minorities to date, this volume discusses the historical formation of ethnic identity and its complexities in relation to British colonial rule as well as to the modern State, the present situation of military rule and its policy of 'myanmarfication'. Changes of identity in exile and due to religious conversion are analysed and discussed. Finally, the book deals with relevant and recent anthropological and sociological theoretical discussions on the ethnic identity, boundaries and space of all the main ethnic groups in Burma. It probes into the complexity and diversity and it provides more details and up-to-date information than previously collected in one volume.

European Research Council under the European Union's Seventh Framework Program; ERC Grant Agreement, Grant/Award Number: 615159 (ERC Consolidator Grant DEPRIVEDHOODS, Socio‐spatial inequality, deprived neighbourhoods, and neighbourhood effects); Marie Curie program under the European Union's Seventh Framework Program; Career Integration, Grant/Award Number: PCIG10‐GA‐2011‐303728 (CIG Grant NBHCHOICE, Neighbourhood choice, neighbourhood sorting, and neighbourhood effects) ; Western cities are increasingly ethnically diverse, and in most cities, the share of the population belonging to an ethnic minority is growing. Studies analysing changing ethnic geographies often limit their analysis to changes in ethnic concentrations in neighbourhoods between 2 points in time. Such a temporally limited approach limits our understanding of pathways of ethnic neighbourhood change and of the underlying factors contributing to change. This paper analyses full trajectories of neighbourhood change in the 4 largest cities in the Netherlands between 1999 and 2013. Our modelling strategy categorises neighbourhoods based on their unique growth trajectories of the ethnic population composition, providing insight in processes of ethnic segregation and its drivers. Our main conclusion is that the ethnic composition in neighbourhoods remains relatively stable over time. We however find evidence for a slow trend towards deconcentration of ethnic minorities and increased population mixing in most neighbourhoods. Spatial mixing appears to be driven by the selective mobility patterns of the native Dutch population as a result of urban restructuring programmes. However, these pathways towards deconcentration are mitigated by processes of ethnic natural growth that reinforce existing patterns of segregation. Despite an increasing inflow of the native Dutch into ethnic concentration neighbourhoods, segregation at the top and bottom ends of the distribution seems to be persistent: High concentrations of ethnic minorities in disadvantaged neighbourhoods versus high concentrations of the native population in more affluent neighbourhoods continue to be a feature of Dutch cities. ; Publisher PDF ; Peer reviewed

We investigate how changes in the administrative-territorial structure affect ethnic voting. We present an event study design that exploits the 2010 constitutional reform in Kenya, which substantially increased the number of primary administrative regions. We find (i) strong evidence for a reduction in ethnic voting when administrative regions become less ethnically diverse and (ii) weak evidence for such a reduction when ethnic groups become less fragmented across regions. These results suggest that 'ethnofederal' reforms (leading to administrative borders that more closely follow ethnic boundaries) can mitigate ethnic politics in diverse countries.