Suchergebnisse

With worldwide progress, development and diversification come tensions between individual, local, national, and global identities, and the fight for equality and justice and opposition to discrimination. Iran is no different, but little has been written about the historical, current, and future identities of Iran's ethnic groups. This study looks at the Azeris, Kurds, Arabs, and Baloch alongside the Persian ethnic identity, which is predominant in modern Iran and which many claim is upheld politically and socially as the ideal for a future, collective Iranian ethnic identity, promoting discrimination against different ethnic identities. This theory is grounded by conducting and analysing in-depth questionnaires across 13 Iranian provinces in relation to religious, local, and national identities; inter-ethnic cultural borders; hindrances to progressive movements; the purging of certain ethnic cultures; and possible steps to resolve crises. Some data has been extracted from the author's recently published book, From Border to Border: Comprehensive research study on identity and ethnicity in Iran. This data presents practical steps to achieving stable, equitable and sustainable cultural, social, economic, legal, and political conditions in Iran, based on the results of questionnaires. Taken into consideration is the realization of economic, socio-cultural, and political justice and indiscriminate social welfare, promoting interethnic solidarity and justice in the media, separating the legal and political systems from religious and ethno-centric thought in acknowledgement of the diversity of religious identities in Iran, and implementing the pending articles of the Constitution.

Based on the existing literature, the study tests the relevance of electoral and intra-party alliance concerns on party organization change for the AKP in its 2017 District Congress. We believe that both the electoral and intra-party alliance concerns the party faced in 2017, make it a suitable case to test the basic hypothesis of the study. The dataset used in the analysis consists of secondary data on 971 districts present in Turkey. District presidency change is employed as the key independent variable to estimate organization change. The result of the logistic regression indicates that the effect of increasing percentage of swing voters and members of the former alliance, despite being valid, have moderate positive effects on the AKP's decision to change its organization. The insignificancy of the electoral safety of the party in the district reveals that in 2017 the AKP changed its organization regardless of the nature of the electoral competition it faces. Interestingly, results indicate that socioeconomic development and ethnic presence in districts are also significant factors that constrain organization change in the AKP. Based on these results we suggest that change in party organization becomes a more difficult issue in parties with strong clientelistic networks where political parties built electoral support through the conditional distribution of resources to voters. Similarly, ethnicity also acts as a constraint due to the peculiarity of the relations political parties develop with these groups. As such clientelism and ethnicity seem to have constraining effects on the abilities of parties to change their organizations. The results highlight the necessity of further research to generalize the validity of the effectiveness of clientelism and ethnic groups on political parties' organization change on different settings.

Ethnicity; political aspects; Turkey

War conditions cause favorable stituations for the destruction of human development. It has caused widespread corruption in political, economic and cultural fieldand confronted society with various problems. However, in contrast to war condition, peace serves the needs of everybody in the best possible way and raises human development cycles to high levels. Throughout history, Afghanistan has been regarded as the battlefield of the colonial countries of the world. This rivalry between colonial countries has harmed Afghanistan and prevented Afghanistan from building its own future. This process, which was ongoing from British intervention to invansion of Soviet Union created political contitions that hinder the development and triggered çivil war in Afghanistan. In addition to the attacks of colonial countries, Afghanistan has always been a victim of ethnic politics. Besides, In Afghanistan, ethnic politics have a lot of negative consequences. However, it is possible to say that the most destructive one is the national identity crisis. Ethnic politics in Afghanistan have been partially successful. This stiuation interrupts relations between to-days Afghanistan ve its past that base on glorious civilization of Aghanistan. Afghanistan needs to seek rational and peaceful means to overcome these challenging crises. In these cases, it would be more consistent to resolve Afghanistan's internal problems by using influential elements such as diplomacy. Diplomacy plays a very important role in ensuring peace and stability in Afghanistan. Because, by using diplomatic means, country politicians can create lasting peace in Afghanistan and provide hope for progress in the country. ; Savaş koşulları insanî kalkınmanın tahrip edilmesine elverişli ortamlar doğurmaktadır. Siyasi, ekonomik, kültürel ve sosyal alanlarda yaygın yolsuzluklara neden olur ve toplumu çeşitli sorunlarla karşı karşıya bırakır. Ancak, savaşın aksine barış, herkesin ihtiyacına en iyi şekilde hizmet eder ve insani gelişim döngülerini yüksek seviyelere çıkarır. Afganistan, tarih boyunca dünyanın sömürgeci ülkelerinin savaş alanı olarak telakki edilir. Sömürgeci ülkeler arasındaki bu rekabet Afganistan'ınkendi yolunda yürümesini engellemiştir. Britanya'nın müdehalesinden Sovyetler Birliği'nin işgaline kadarki süreç, gelişmeye engel olan tüm politikalara ortam hazırlamış ve Afganistan'da iç savaşın çıkmasını tetiklemiştir. Afganistan, sümürgeci ülkelerin saldırısına ek olarak, daima etnik siyasetin kurbanı olmuştur. Afganistan'da etnik siyasetin olumsuz getirileri çoktur. Ancak bunlardan en yıkıcı olanının ulusal kimlik krizi olduğunu söylemek mümkündür. Diğer yandan Afganistan'da etnik siyaset kısmen başarılı olmuştur. Bu durumgünümüz Afganistanı ile Horasan'ın görkemli uygarlığına dayanan geçmişi arasındaki ilişkiyi tamamen kesintiye uğratmıştır. Ülkenin, bu zorlu krizleri aşması için rasyonel ve barışçıl yollar aramasına ihtiyaç duyulmaktadır. Bu durumlarda, Afganistan'ın iç sorunlarını diplomasi gibi etkili unsurları kullanarak çözmek daha tutarlı bir yol olur. Afganistan'da barış ve istikrarın sağlanmasında diplomasi çok önemli bir rol oynar. Zira ülke politikacıları, diplomatik araçları kullanarak Afganistan'da kalıcı barış ortamı yaratabilir ve ülkede ilerleme umutları sağlayabilirler. Anahtar kelimeler: Afganistan, Diplomasi, Etnisite, Kriz, Savaş

Paul Brass milliyetçiliği modernizmin bir ürünü olarak görmekle birlikte onu kaçınılmaz ve mecburi sayar. Başka bir ifadeyle her topluluğun millet olduğu veya ilerde millet olacağı sonucunu savunmaz. Bundan olarak, öyleyse, ortaya çıkan bir soruyu çalışmalarında cevaplamaya çalıştığı görülür: milletler neden ve nasıl ortaya çıkmıştır? Bu sorunun cevaplanabilmesi için gözlemlerini Avrupa, Afrika ve Amerika gibi farklı kıtadaki ülkelerin tarihi tecrübelerine çevirirken özellikle Güney Asya üzerinden detaylı bilgiler aktarır. Gözlemlerini, millet olma sürecindeki bir insan topluluğunun, kültürel farklılıklar aracılığıyla kendi etnik özbilincine varmasını ve ardından bunu, o grubun siyasal talepler çerçevesinde şekillenmesine bağlayarak tamamlar. Brass'a göre bu sürecin tamamı toplumda hâkim olan seçkinler (elitler) tarafından yönetilmektedir. Seçkinler, toplumları ve insan gruplarını kendi çıkarları etrafında şekillendirirken aynı zamanda bu grupları da önce etnik topluluklara, sonra milletlere dönüştürürler. Ancak Brass bir kez millete dönüşen toplumların artık tekrar etnik topluluğa dönüşmeyeceğini de söylemez, tarih boyunca farklı milletler farklı zamanlarda ileri ve geri hareket eder gibi etnik grup-millet olma süreçlerinden geçmiştir. Çalışma boyunca bu etnik grup olma - millet olma ayrımından hareket edilecek ve bu ayrımın alt başlıkları değerlendirilecektir. ; Paul Brass defines nationalism as a product of modern is mand does not see it as inevitable and compulsory. In other words, it does not advocate that all the communities are nations or they'll be achieve it in thefuture. As so, Brass tries to answer a question which roots from there: why and how did the nations come out? In order to answer this question, he focuses his observations into historical experiences of countries in different continents such as Europe, Africa andAmerica, while he gives detailed information especially on Asia. Brass claims that the nationalization process is managed by elites. The elites transform their societies and groups of people around their own interests while at the same time transforming these groups into ethnic communities and then nations. However, it does not say that the societies that once turned into a nation will no longer turn into a community. In this study, the sub-headings of this distinction (being a nation and an ethnicgroup) will be evaluated and criticized.

The current political climate appears to create accentuated divisions among various incompatible world views. In a globalized world, faster dissemination of information is much faster via social media and other sources like has never experienced before. A local incident may rapidly turned into an international crisis. For instance, a civil war in Syria now has deeply impacted the politics and social structures of many counties around the world. In this social environment tacking with various types of violent extremism and radical popularism have become increasingly challenging. These radical worldviews may be manifested in either end of the political spectrum, namely right or left, based on ethnicity or exploitation of religion. Following the terror attacks of 9/11 security services and public have focused on the threat posed by terrorist groups such as DAESH and Al-Qaeda. However, threats of violence also remain significant in the case of violent extreme right as well as left group. Challenges in tackling violent right-wind extremism is a complicated matter as they may not be seen as a significant security threat in the west. For example, despite a number of terror attacks carried by right supremacists in the USA, this group has not been listed as a terror group by the state. Also, the terror suspects are more likely to be described as mentally disturbed and disgruntled people should they be white. In other to counter violent extremism, whether based on ideology, ethnicity, or exploitation of religion, we need to systematically examine the root cause of such violent tendencies. In this regard, rising radical right popularism in the West calls for a comprehensive examination of this social movement.

The EU is bound to respect the national identities of Member States. States might, at occasions, define their national identities in ways that breach inclusive constitutional values (e.g. equality) protected under TEU Article 2. The assumption behind the recognition of diverse constitutional identities is the peaceful coexistence of both, which is challenged by illiberal national developments. Instead, we see a zero-sum game between the constitutional recognition of exclusive values (e.g. dominant ethnicity or religion) and inclusive constitutional values; every gain by the proponents of emergent authoritarianism translates to a loss on the side of constitutional democracy. While exclusive norms appear in virtually every constitutional system, a critical mass of exclusive values can lead to the hollowing out of a democratic order, both on the national and on the supranational level. To try to draw the line where this shift happens, we are relying on the limits of toleration, and recognition, of exclusive norms and identity elements of minority communities in liberal theories of multiculturalism (e.g. Raz, Taylor, Kymlicka). We think that the case of illiberal minorities raise structurally similar theoretical questions, insights, and experiences than the dilemma defined above, the challenge of illiberal Member States undermining EU fundamental values.

Bu çalışmada, Afganistan'da olası federal bir sistemin yapılandırılması ele alınmış ve bu sistem doğrultusunda etnik sorunların çözümüne ilişkin değerlendirmeler yapılmıştır. Afganistan'da kimi etnik gruplar üniter, kimileri ise federal sistemi savunmaktadır. Bu durum ülkedeki coğrafi, ekonomik, siyasi ve nüfusa bağlı farklılıklardan kaynaklanmaktadır. Afganistan'da çok sayıda iç ve dış nedenlerden kaynaklanan problemler jeostratejik ve jeopolitik bağlamda önem taşıyan ülkede bir çözüm arayışını ortaya çıkarmıştır. Bu çalışmanın amacı, Afganistan'ı jeopolitik, siyasi tarih ve siyasi yapı bağlamında değerlendirmek, etnik kavramını detaylı biçimde açıklayarak Afganistan'da etnik grupları ele almak, federalizm ve federal devleti açıklayarak Afganistan'da federalizmin uygunluğunu değerlendirmek ve bu bağlamda etnik sorunlara olası etkileri incelemektir. ; In this study, the possible structuring of Afghanistan as a federal system in is discussed and considerations regarding the solution of ethnic problems are offered in line with this federal system. In Afghanistan, some ethnic groups advocate a unitary system and some advocate a federal system. This is due to geographical, economic, political and population-related differences within the country. Numerous problems arising from internal and external reasons in Afghanistan have led to the search for a solution in a country that is important in the geostrategic and geopolitical context. The aim of this study is to evaluate Afghanistan in the context of geopolitics, political history, and political structure, to explain ethnic concept in detail, to discuss ethnic groups in Afghanistan, to explain federalism and federal state, to evaluate the suitability of federalism for Afghanistan and to inspect the possible effects of ethnic problems in this context.