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Donación de AGERS ; Ponencia presentada en el Foro sobre la Gerencia de Riesgos, Monte Carlo, celebrado en Monte Carlo, 10 al 13 de octubre de 1993 ; European countries appear to have less and less control of their own destinies. They faces illegal immigration and massive currency flows, they have unsatisfactory answers to the threat of large-scale redundancy in farming and manufacturing; they find it hard to prevent companies from relocating to other regions, or to muffle information from transnational television and radio. The challenge, mainly social and cultural but having important military, political and economical aspects as well, deserves two responses. Firstly, we need to unify Europe, Europe has no real alternative to moving forward, seeking to create an influential and responsible entity meeting this challenge collectively in a way that twelve or twenty separate nation-states simply cannot do. Secondly, what we need is an "Open Europe" with less social conflicts

Dipesh Chakrabarty's proposition to provincialize Europe harbors ambiguities and contradictions that open it to misreadings. Some misreadings stem from a shallow grasp of Chakrabarty's argument or a cavalier invocation of the title, but others follow from deeper issues in the book concerning the place of Europe in social theory, the universality of concepts from European thought, and the difficulty of escaping the frame of national history. Some problems arising from these issues might be avoided by taking a transnational perspective on the questions Chakrabarty raises, although a transnational approach does not necessarily guarantee success. However one views them, such seeming limitations of Provincializing Europe reflect the risks Chakrabarty took in proposing a project that is simultaneously methodological, institutional, and political. Moreover, they are the source of its wide impact. ; A proposta de Dipesh Chakrabarty de provincializar a Europa é marcada por ambiguidades e contradições que a tornam suscetível a leituras enviesadas. Algumas destas leituras partem de um entendimento superficial dos argumentos de Chakrabarty ou de uma invocação leviana da sua obra, mas outras têm origem em questões mais profundas a respeito do lugar da Europa na teoria social, da universalidade dos conceitos procedentes do pensamento europeu e das dificuldades de escapar ao quadro da história nacional. Alguns dos problemas que advêm destas questões podem ser evitados se adotarmos uma perspetiva transnacional sobre os temas abordados por Chakrabarty, embora esta perspetiva transnacional em si mesma não seja uma garantia de sucesso. Seja como for, as aparentes limitações de Provincializing Europe tornam patentes os riscos que Chakrabarty correu ao propor um projeto que é simultaneamente metodológico, institucional e político. São, de resto, estes riscos que estão na origem do seu vasto impacto.

This comparative report on dementia-friendly communities has been produced as part of the 2015 Work Plan of Alzheimer Europe, which has received funding from the European Union in the framework of the Health Programme. Decisions about the broad areas to be addressed were informed by a literature review on the topic. Agreement on the specific sections to be included for each area was reached at a meeting with 15 Alzheimer Europe (AE) member associations at the beginning of 2015. Based on this, a questionnaire was drafted and later reviewed by four members of the group. The questionnaire was also presented to the Executive of the European Working Group of People with Dementia (EWGPWD) and their comments and suggestions were incorporated into the questionnaire. The questionnaire was sent out to all AE members. In addition, in countries where AE has no member (i.e. Estonia, Hungary, Latvia and Lithuania), relevant informants were identified and invited to participate. 33 organisations representing 31 countries returned the questionnaires. Questionnaires were completed by the national organisation and, whenever necessary, with the aid of relevant national experts in the field of social policy, law and social support. Organisations were contacted again when necessary to clarify certain issues and information was transferred into a database and analysed. The final report was sent to all participating organisations for final approval prior to publication. In addition to this, members of the EWGPWD were invited to share their experiences with and views on each of the topics addressed in the report by providing a short written testimonial ("personal accounts"). These personal accounts provide a powerful insight into how people with dementia would like to see communities, villages, cities and countries become more dementia inclusive and dementia friendly. Personal experiences provided by members of the EWGPWD are presented at the end of each section. ; peer-reviewed

"March 2003." ; European interests -- Allaying European fears through action, not talk -- Activating the European forte -- The European hedge -- Implications on the U.S. military in Europe -- Recommendations -- Conclusions. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Adobe Acrobat required.

This special issue opens up a critical space to reflect on literary and cinematographic images of Europe, as they come alive within and without the bounds of what we, from a geopolitical and cultural perspective, regard as Europe. While most of us are aware of the European Union's 28 member states, fewer probably know that its geopolitical reach also comprises overseas territories in parts of Africa, Asia, and the Americas.This geographical spread, which translates into different ethnicities, cultural codes and languages, to some extent explains why there can never be one but only many imaginary Europes. Moreover, the 20th century has witnessed crucial changes which have affected our perceptions of Europe: the devastation and consequent reorganisation of nation states during and after the world wars; the collapse of empires; the creation and expansion of the European Union; the end of the Eastern Bloc; the Balkan ethnic conflict and the ensuing nation rebuilding. These events have inaugurated the continuous reshaping of Europe's population through emigration, immigration and globalisation. With every new generation, the imaginary Europes produced within the continent and in its diasporas proliferate. With each newly independent nation and with each shift in the balance of power, traditional constructions of Europe make way for fresh outlooks. As a consequence of European emigrants settling abroad, new memories of the ancestral home are handed down to subsequent generations. And, with each internal or external migrant seeking a European home, new anticipations of what Europe might be emerge. These factors have been explored not only in the art produced in Europe during the changes in the 20th and 21st centuries, but also at a distance, whether by artists witnessing the changing influence and shape of Europe from afar, or by those examining, in retrospect, the journey that Europe has taken to develop the multifaceted dimension it displays today.

The year 2020 saw a global pandemic attest to the value of science. In the race for COVID-19 treatments and vaccines, Science Europe's Member Organisations (MOs) were at the forefront of the global response and Science Europe became more relevant and important than ever. This report looks back at the key priorities of Science Europe over the past year and gives an overview of its working groups and activities. The association made a significant contribution to the EU's future work by providing concrete recommendations to the European Commission and consistently supporting the European Parliament in its advocacy for a stronger budget for Horizon Europe and for hallmark programmes such as the ERC and Marie Skłodowska-Curie Actions. Our members were a valuable part of this effort, as their input fed into the many discussions and publications featured in this report. As we continue to advocate for science and the scientific community to help build the European Research Area and shape the global scientific agenda, we would like to use this report as an opportunity to reflect on the association's achievements and look at the challenges that lie ahead.

The year 2020 saw a global pandemic attest to the value of science. In the race for COVID-19 treatments and vaccines, Science Europe's Member Organisations (MOs) were at the forefront of the global response and Science Europe became more relevant and important than ever. This report looks back at the key priorities of Science Europe over the past year and gives an overview of its working groups and activities. The association made a significant contribution to the EU's future work by providing concrete recommendations to the European Commission and consistently supporting the European Parliament in its advocacy for a stronger budget for Horizon Europe and for hallmark programmes such as the ERC and Marie Skłodowska-Curie Actions. Our members were a valuable part of this effort, as their input fed into the many discussions and publications featured in this report. As we continue to advocate for science and the scientific community to help build the European Research Area and shape the global scientific agenda, we would like to use this report as an opportunity to reflect on the association's achievements and look at the challenges that lie ahead.

INTERACT - Researching Third Country Nationals? Integration as a Three-way Process - Immigrants, Countries of Emigration and Countries of Immigration as Actors of Integration ; Somalis have a long history in Europe; the first Somalis were seamen who arrived in the UK working on British ships at the beginning of the 20th century. Throughout different waves of migrations directly related to European colonial history, Somalis have settled down in various cities throughout Europe. More recently, their mobility has been noted between Northern European cities. Somalis have experienced an increasingly hostile environment in the last twenty years, which reflects changing and stricter migration laws in different European countries. This report begins by narrating some of the most salient events that caused Somali migration to Europe. The central part of the report presents the integration policies of six European countries (Finland, the UK, Italy, Sweden, Denmark and the Netherlands), where the largest Somali-born populations reside. After a comparative discussion of these integration policies, the report concludes by suggesting a need for further analyses of integration policies that would include Somalis' transnational engagements in Somalia. ; INTERACT is co-financed by the European University Institute and the European Union ; The MPC is co-financed by the European University Institute and the European Union.

The second and third series of the second work were issued under title: Observations on the social and political state of the European people in 1848 and 1849. ; Date on t.p. for first work: 1859. Date on t.p. for second work: 1854. ; Added t.p. for each work. ; Journal of a residence in Norway during the years 1834, 1835, & 1836 : made with a view to inquire into the moral and political economy of that country . / by Samuel Laing -- Notes of a traveller on the social and political state of France, Prussia, Switzerland, Italy, and other parts of Europe, during the present century. First series / by Samuel Laing. ; Mode of access: Internet.

For better or worse, the future of democracy in Europe has come to depend on the democratization of Europe, i.e. on redesigning the institutions of the European Union so that they are more accountable to the citizens of Europe. While there is not yet much evidence of an awareness of this "democratic deficit" in mass publics, there are abundant Europe-wide signs of increased politicization -most of which point to growing popular resistance to the further expansion of the scope and authority of European integration. Moreover, both monetary unification and impending Eastern enlargement seem destined to exacerbate rather than attenuate tensions over the uneven distribution of benefits. Were this not enough, there is mounting evidence that EU institutions and policies are having a significant impact upon the practice of "domestic democracy" in its member states, and that, at least in some aspects, this has undermined the legitimacy and effectiveness of established national political institutions.

For better or worse, the future of democracy in Europe has come to depend on the democratization of Europe, i.e. on redesigning the institutions of the European Union so that they are more accountable to the citizens of Europe. While there is not yet much evidence of an awareness of this "democratic deficit" in mass publics, there are abundant Europe-wide signs of increased politicization -most of which point to growing popular resistance to the further expansion of the scope and authority of European integration. Moreover, both monetary unification and impending Eastern enlargement seem destined to exacerbate rather than attenuate tensions over the uneven distribution of benefits. Were this not enough, there is mounting evidence that EU institutions and policies are having a significant impact upon the practice of "domestic democracy" in its member states, and that, at least in some aspects, this has undermined the legitimacy and effectiveness of established national political institutions.

This special issue of PORTAL constitutes an indirect, sideways reflection on the EU's move toward (re-)discovering, establishing, and promoting shared cultural values. It seeks to unveil not the official historical contexts and traditions in which contemporary inventions of cultural identity occur. Rather, its aim is to discover and listen to competing voices and alternative visions—be they cultural, social, political, literary or cinematic—that give different shape to trans-European identities and model union, commonality, and belonging, according to transregional or translocal values. The special issue, then, is an exploration of possible forms of frictions occurring across the European cultural and historical landscape. It questions the pre-eminence of formal EU discourses on values, and the branding of Europe in the global marketplace, by listening to marginalised, unheard or discordant Euro-voices. The issue demonstrates the need for more rigorous theorisations of notions such as 'value,' whether 'shared' or 'cultural,' in the European region, and posits alternative mappings and visions of European belonging and identity. The essays included in this special issue consider Europe as a locus of frictions, consensus, tension, contestation and reconciliation. This locus is capable of co-locating Scotland with the Costa Brava, crossing Swedish views of Russia with their converse, recognising a Europe of borders that continuously unfold, acknowledging the interference of historical memories, and inflecting the Houellebecquian Euro-futurescape with Greco-Australian undertones; to cite a few examples of vibrant transvaluation occurring in the issue.

Philosophers in Central Europe are highly dependent on the Western European tradition of philosophy, while politicians in the region tend to use arguments that are often foreign to the ones used in Western Europe. The philosophical tradition of Central Europe is dependent on Western European tradition – it would be impossible to speak about any kind of distinct regional philosophical paradigm. The situation with political self‑understanding in the region is very different. The politicians in the region are aware of the various differences between the two cultural and political traditions. Today these differences have become especially clear in various disagreements between politicians from the Visegrád Group and their colleagues in Western Europe. Politicians from Central Europe propose their own understanding of the meaning of Western civilization. This phenomenon can be described as a new political Messianism. The old Messianims of the 19th century today are being replaced by new consciousness of the specific mission of the region. Conservative politicians propose an understanding of the region which is based on cultural differences from Western Europe. Various conceptions about the singular identity of the region that were developed in the ninth decade of the 20th century by Czesław Miłosz, Milan Kundera and György Konràd today are gaining a new political significance.

Philosophers in Central Europe are highly dependent on the Western European tradition of philosophy, while politicians in the region tend to use arguments that are often foreign to the ones used in Western Europe. The philosophical tradition of Central Europe is dependent on Western European tradition – it would be impossible to speak about any kind of distinct regional philosophical paradigm. The situation with political self‑understanding in the region is very different. The politicians in the region are aware of the various differences between the two cultural and political traditions. Today these differences have become especially clear in various disagreements between politicians from the Visegrád Group and their colleagues in Western Europe. Politicians from Central Europe propose their own understanding of the meaning of Western civilization. This phenomenon can be described as a new political Messianism. The old Messianims of the 19th century today are being replaced by new consciousness of the specific mission of the region. Conservative politicians propose an understanding of the region which is based on cultural differences from Western Europe. Various conceptions about the singular identity of the region that were developed in the ninth decade of the 20th century by Czesław Miłosz, Milan Kundera and György Konràd today are gaining a new political significance.

Philosophers in Central Europe are highly dependent on the Western European tradition of philosophy, while politicians in the region tend to use arguments that are often foreign to the ones used in Western Europe. The philosophical tradition of Central Europe is dependent on Western European tradition – it would be impossible to speak about any kind of distinct regional philosophical paradigm. The situation with political self‑understanding in the region is very different. The politicians in the region are aware of the various differences between the two cultural and political traditions. Today these differences have become especially clear in various disagreements between politicians from the Visegrád Group and their colleagues in Western Europe. Politicians from Central Europe propose their own understanding of the meaning of Western civilization. This phenomenon can be described as a new political Messianism. The old Messianims of the 19th century today are being replaced by new consciousness of the specific mission of the region. Conservative politicians propose an understanding of the region which is based on cultural differences from Western Europe. Various conceptions about the singular identity of the region that were developed in the ninth decade of the 20th century by Czesław Miłosz, Milan Kundera and György Konràd today are gaining a new political significance.