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The author looks into Scheler's philosophy of war as stated in his work The Genius of War. In the context of Germany during World War One, Scheler polemicized with various interpretations of the essence & the nature of war, particularly with those that reduce wars to economic or sociological roots, & claimed that the spiritual drive behind the "real" war was only to increase power. The war for him is part of the human nature, but not as a mere struggle for survival but as the struggle for power that maximally exalts, expands & deepens the common & indivisible values of our moral consciousness. The author argues that Scheler's intention is to glorify war, counter to Kant's universalism & rationalism. He is particularly dismissive of Kant's idea of "eternal peace" & all that is linked with cosmopolitanism & pacifism. The author concludes that Scheler's philosophy is self-delusional. References. Adapted from the source document.

The Sarajevo Convention, at which the Sarajevo Declaration & the Pact on Stability were adopted, represents a finale to the ten-year conflict in the Balkan region. The most important elements in the dynamic process of Europe's preparation for accepting the countries of Europe's Southeast have been the Brussels study by the Center for Political Analyses, the German "new politics," & US support. The analyses of the goals & mechanisms of the Pact show that it is a major political instrument, though hailed as a mixed blessing. If all the actors -- states, nongovernmental organizations, associations, & individuals -- are provided with long-term conditions for creating affiliations, joint views, & projects, the process of building better relations may be initiated. The Europeanization of Southeast Europe is going to be a lengthy & complex process, & the Pact on Stability may become an important form of building new relations in this region. Adapted from the source document.

In its 45 years of existence, NATO has evolved dramatically. This has occurred due to the changes happening within the alliance itself (increased number of member countries, changes within the countries, & in the relations among them) & to the influence of outside factors ensuing from the developments in international relations in general & within the adversarial bloc in particular. The cessation of the Cold War & the disintegration of the Warsaw Pact in the early 1990s confronted NATO with new challenges, particularly in relation to the countries of Eastern & Southeastern Europe & Russia. The fact that the document "Partnership for Peace" was adopted at the start of 1994 (representing a platform for the relations with the countries of "new democracy") & that it was signed by 26 countries meant the overall acceptance of the conceptual document of European security on the threshold of the 21st century. This document provides democratic countries outside NATO with the possibility of cooperating with its political & military bodies & paves the way for their full membership. If regular criteria were applied, Croatia & Bosnia & Herzegovina could count on joining "Partnership for Peace" only after they have resolved internal conflicts & frictions with their neighbors by political means. Nevertheless, depending on further developments in the region, it is possible that Croatia might jump the queue & be accepted in "Partnership for Peace" before its turn. 2 Tables, 32 References. Adapted from the source document.

U ovom radu bavimo se pitanjem određenja adekvatne koncepcije legitimnosti za Evropsku uniju. Zastupamo stanovište da u tom pogledu odlučujuću važnost ima ideja javnog uma, kako ju je formulisao Džon Rols. Rols je smatrao da ideja javnog uma ima svoju ulogu kako na domaćem planu ustavnih demokratija tako i na međunarodnom planu. Mi ćemo, polazeći od Rolsovih stavova, nastojati da formulišemo adekvatnu koncepciju javnog uma za Evropsku uniju. Ipak, za razliku od Rolsa, koji u međunarodnom kontekstu prvenstveno govori o narodima, argumentovaćemo da osnovu javnog uma Evropske unije treba da čini koncepcija slobodnih i jednakih građana. ; This paper will examine the issue of finding the most adequate conception of normative legitimacy for the European Union. I shall argue that John Rawls's idea of public reason is crucially important in this context. Rawls maintains that the idea of public reason is important not only for constitutional democracies, but also at the international level. Following Rawls's lead, this paper focuses on the idea of public reason at the EU level. However, I shall argue that the idea of public reason that is adequate for the European Union should be based on the conception of free and equal citizens, instead of Rawls's conception of peoples.

Populizam kao suvremeni izazov liberalnoj demokraciji može predstavljati prijetnju, ali i potencijalan korektiv demokraciji. Ovaj rad bavi se tipovima desnog populizma u Europi. Pretpostavlja se postojanje razlika unutar kategorije desno populističkih stranka u starim i novim demokracijama u Europi. Počinje se od određenja desnog populizma te njegovih ključnih elemenata: populizam, autoritarizam i nativizam. Program desno populističkih stranaka uključuje negativan stav prema manjinama, antiimigrantsku politiku i euroskepticizam. Cilj rada je uočiti ključne elemente koje su jednake u tim strankama, ali i uočiti potencijalne razlike među njima. Shodno tome kompariraju se četiri desno populističke stranke: poljska stranka Pravo i pravednost (PiS), francuska stranka Nacionalno okupljanje (RN), češka stranka Sloboda i izravna demokracija (SPD) i norveška Napredna stranka (FrP). U prikaz stranaka ulazi pregled postojeće znanstvene literature o navedenim strankama te usporedba stranačkih programa koja uključuje bazu podataka Manifesto Project Database (MPD). MPD sadržava kvalitativne podatke o tome kojoj temi, javnoj politici i političkoj poziciji političke stranke posvećuju pažnju u svojim izbornim i stranačkim programima. Desno populističke stranke pokazuju razlike prema svojim socioekonomskim pozicijama, poziciji prema Europskoj uniji, Rusiji i drugim međunarodnim organizacijama te koga uključuju u "opasne druge, to jest u njihovom odnosu prema etničkim i seksualnim manjima. Uočene su razlike na ekonomskoj dimenziji pa su tako neke stranke za tržišnu ekonomiju i privatizaciju, dok su druge za državni intervencionizam i povećanje socijalnih naknada. Na kulturnoj dimenziji zauzimaju sličnu radikalno desnu poziciju, no razlikuju se prema tome koju skupinu uključuju u svoje poimanje "opasnih drugih". Desni populisti pokazuju pozitivno lice populizma kada kritiziraju tehnokraciju, to jest demokratski elitizam i u svoj koncept naroda uključuju seksualne manjine. S druge strane, negativno lice pokazuju kada u "opasne ...

Husserl's concept & definition of the "living world" represents a sort of the pinnacle of his later philosophical works. In the form of a new universal science -- transcendental phenomenology -- & by defining the living world as -- for us -- an immediate & contiguous world, the known & acknowledged intersubjectivity, Husserl provides a critique of the modern age, ie, the domination of the paradigm of the objectivist sciences. Husserl's phenomenology also delves into the equally central political & social problems of the contemporary age; Husserl calls for the establishment of a new rationality in judging social & political issues. Particular attention is given to Husserl's vehement critique of antiliberalism as well as his novel relation I-we ie, the individual & the community or the state. Adapted from the source document.