Vladovanje in menedžment: evropeizacija slovenske javne uprave
Erscheinungsjahr lt. CIP und Copyright 2015, auf dem Titelblatt: 2016
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Erscheinungsjahr lt. CIP und Copyright 2015, auf dem Titelblatt: 2016
In: Wissenschaftliche Schriftenreihe des Pavelhauses Bd. 10
Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties' political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties' choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes. ; Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties' political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties' choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes. ; Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties' political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties' choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes. ; Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties' political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties' choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes. ; Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties' political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties' choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes. ; V luči pojava skrajno desne in populistične retorike v Evropi, ki je bila zlasti posledica migrantske krize leta 2015, ter rasističnega in ksenofobnega diskurza, ki je bil premnogokrat odgovor nanjo, članek podaja multimodalno analizo političnih sloganov in plakatov slovenskih strank, ki so na državnozborskih volitvah leta 2018 osvojile parlamentarne sedeže. Volitve so bile namreč poleg osredotočanja na problematike, lastne slovenski politični krajini, prežete z govorom o tem, kako se spopasti z izzivi, s katerimi se sooča Evropa. Cilj raziskave je preučiti, katerih jezikovnih in vizualnih sredstev so se posluževale stranke na najrazličnejših straneh političnega spektra in ali bi lahko za nekatere elemente dejali, da so značilni za določeno politično usmerjenost. Kratkemu pregledu slovenskih strankarskih dinamik in pogojev, ki so pripomogli k njihovemu razvoju, sledi analiza političnih kampanj strank. Zavzemši držo politične analize diskurza se prvi del osredotoča na leksikalne in skladenjske odločitve strank v političnih sloganih in na podporno slikovno gradivo, medtem ko je drugi del namenjen jezikoslovni analizi načina, kako politične stranke v svojih predvolilnih programih naslavljajo pet glavnih tem: pokojnine, korupcijo, finance, zdravstvo in varnost. Njihova stališča in razlike med njimi glede na politično usmerjenost so ponazorjene z izbranimi izseki iz strankarskih programov.
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In: Filozofia: časopis Filozofického Ústavu Slovenskej Akadémie Vied, Band 59, Heft 10, S. 766-782
ISSN: 0046-385X
Evropska unija se je na pragu leta 2011 začela srečevati s prvimi begunci, ki so pribežali z bojnih območjih Sirije in drugih držav Bližnjega vzhoda ter islamskih držav Severne Afrike in skušali ujeti svojo svobodo, osebno varnost in prihodnost prav v državah članicah Evropske unije. Politična kriza in vojna na Bližnjem vzhodu nista pojenjali, še več, vsak dan je na tisoče ljudi po sredozemskih in balkanski poti skušalo prebežati v Evropo. Evropska unija je leta 2015 z vrhuncem migracijskih tokov v Evropo doživljala najhujšo begunsko krizo po drugi svetovni vojni. Znašla se je pred hudim migracijskim vprašanjem, na katerega pa je sama našla odgovor v pomoči in sodelovanju Turčije – države, ki je pred 69 leti zaprosila za članstvo v Evropski uniji, vendar do danes še ni postala njena polnopravna članica. Turčija danes gosti največji delež sirskih beguncev na svetu – 3,6 milijona. Z Evropsko unijo sta po mnogih letih njunega intenzivnega političnega delovanja in diplomacije odprli novo poglavje sodelovanja, lahko bi ga poimenovala kar migracijsko sodelovanje, skovali sta skupno migracijsko politiko, le ta pa je bila ovekovečena 18. marca 2016 s podpisom izjave EU-Turčija, katere namen je bil ustaviti tok nedovoljenih migracij preko balkanske poti iz Turčije v Evropsko unijo in ga nadomestiti z organiziranimi, varnimi in zakonitimi potmi v Evropo. Seveda ni ostalo zgolj in samo pri turški uslugi Evropski uniji, le-ta je bila za to pripravljena dobro plačati, skupno je Turčiji namenila tri milijarde evrov in ji obljubila še druge ugodnosti, med drugim vizumsko liberalizacijo. V Evropski uniji se danes nahaja več kot 1,8 milijona beguncev. Mnoge Evropejce skrbi za osebno varnost, Evropsko unijo pa za nacionalno in mednarodno, med najbolj rizične varnostne implikacije, ki so jih s seboj prinesli begunci, se najpogosteje uvrščata terorizem in organiziran kriminal - tihotapljenje migrantov. ; At the beginning of 2011, the European Union faced the first refugees fleeing from the war-torn areas of Syria, other Middle East countries and Islamic countries of North Africa, trying to secure their freedom, personal safety and future in the member states of the European Union. The political crisis and war in the Middle East did not subside, on the contrary, every day thousands of people took the Mediterranean and Balkan routes to reach Europe. In 2015, when migration flows into Europe peaked, the European Union experienced the worst refugee crisis after the Second World War. The EU had to face a grave migration issue and eventually settled it with the help and in cooperation with Turkey – country that 69 years ago applied for the membership in the European Union but has not become its full member to this day. Turkey today hosts the largest share of Syrian refugees in the world – 3,6 million, and after many years of intensive political activity and diplomacy, it started a new chapter of cooperation with the European Union, we could call it migration cooperation. Together, they forged a common migration policy by signing the EU-Turkey Statement on 18th March 2016. Its aim was to put a halt to the irregular migration flows on the Balkan route from Turkey to the European Union and to replace it with organised, safe and legal ways to enter Europe. Of course, Turkey was not merely doing a favour to the European Union and the EU was ready to pay well in exchange, sending 3 billion euros to Turkey and promising other benefits, including visa liberalisation. Today, there are more than 1,8 million refugees in the European Union. Many Europeans worry about their personal safety and the European Union is concerned about the national and international security. As the riskiest security implications brought by refugees are most often mentioned terrorism and organised crime – smuggling of migrants.
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Skrajno desne ideje so v evropskem prostoru prisotne že stoletja. Včasih zaradi določenih situacij pridejo na plano, v kratkem pa potem tudi izginejo. Evropska unija, ki se je izgradila na pogorišču skrajnih idej in sistemov, se je ponovno srečala s težko situacijo. V letu 2008 je staro celino zajela svetovna finančna kriza, ki je do temeljev pretresla dotedanjo uspešno evropsko integracijo in pri tem obudila skrajne ideje. Finančni krizi je po nekaj letih sledila migrantska, ki je že tako težko situacijo naredila še težjo. V določenih državah so se začele prebujati skrajne populistične in nacionalistične ideje, ki so krivca za nastalo situacijo iskale znotraj Evropske unije, v njenih institucijah in migrantih, ki so zaradi različnih razlogov prihajali v varno Evropo. Vzpon skrajno desnih strank je imel v posameznih državah različne motive, zakaj je stranka prišla na oblast oz. je imela v državi velik pomen. Vprašanje, ki se pojavlja ob trenutni situaciji v Evropski uniji, je, kako bodo skrajne ideje vplivale na nadaljnjo integracijo oz. dezintegracijo Evropske unije. ; Far-right ideas have been present in the European area for centuries. Certain situations cause them to emerge every now and then, before they disappear again not long after. The European Union, which was built on the ruins of radical ideas and political systems, is once again facing this menacing threat. In 2008, the old continent was hit by the global financial crisis, which shook the so far very successful European integration to its core and began to awake certain extremist notions. After a few years, the financial crisis was followed by the migrant crisis, which had since only exacerbated the situation. Populist and nationalist ideas, which were starting to resurge in some European countries, were looking for a scapegoat for the new state of affairs in the European Union and within the walls of its institutions and migrants, who were arriving into safe Europe for various reasons, made for a perfect target. The rise of far-right political parties had different motives in individual countries, regardless whether a particular party seized power or simply grew in prominence. The question that the European Union is facing at the moment is how these extremist ideas will influence further integration or disintegration of Europe.
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In: Teorija in praksa, S. 460-474
Abstract. Greenwashing has long been an issue in Western and developed countries. Yet, this matter regrettably remains quite underexplored among academics in developing and emerging markets, especially in Indonesia. The presented quantitative research focuses on the impact of greenwashing perception, green word of mouth ("green WOM") and green marketing on intentions to purchase items at H&M in Jakarta. Hypotheses were answered with the SEM-PLS model using SmartPLS3 software. Based on a questionnaire administered to 200 respondents, results show that the perception of greenwashing has a direct negative impact on consumers' purchase intentions and an indirect negative impact through green WOM, which can be influenced by the factor of lack of concern and awareness in Jakarta. These findings stand in contrast to several studies in Europe that were used as a reference while conducting this research. At the same time, green WOM strengthens the positive impact between green marketing and purchase intentions. Practical implications for companies include taking substantial steps towards sustainability and the need to adopt a fact-based approach without embellishment.
Keywords: greenwashing perception, green word of mouth, green marketing, purchase intention
V Sloveniji se že vrsto let odvijajo razprave o ustanovitvi druge ravni lokalne samouprave, kljub več poskusom in ustavni zahtevi pa zaenkrat še vedno nimamo pokrajin. Regionalna in širša lokalna samouprava sta stalnici v večini držav Evropske unije (EU), eden izmed ključnih in najpomembnejših vidikov vzpostavitve take oblike oblasti pa je prav gotovo skrbna in ciljno naravnana določitev pristojnosti. V osrednjem delu te naloge so predstavljene okvirne ureditve nalog pokrajin v državah EU po naslednjih vsebinskih sklopih: zdravstvo, regionalni razvoj, gospodarstvo in turizem, izobraževanje in kultura ter infrastruktura, varstvo okolja in kmetijstvo. Naloga na kratko predstavi tudi prispevek Sveta Evrope in EU k razvoju lokalne samouprave na tej vmesni ravni, za jasnejše razumevanje pa poskuša jasno določiti tudi ločnico med federalno in unitarno ureditvijo ter regionalno in širšo lokalno samoupravo. Na koncu dodaja pregled stanja v Sloveniji v povezavi z ustanovitvijo pokrajin, določitvijo njihovih pristojnosti, njihovo ureditvijo v ustavi in trenutni predlagani zakonodaji. Ustava Republike Slovenije iz leta 1991 namreč predvideva tri vrste pristojnosti, in sicer naloge širšega lokalnega pomena, zadeve regionalnega pomena in naloge iz državne pristojnosti. Pri tem bomo morali biti pozorni, da pokrajinam ne bomo naložili preveč državnih pristojnosti in jim tako otežili ali celo onemogočili učinkovito opravljanje njihovih izvirnih pristojnosti. Ustrezna določitev pristojnosti je namreč ključnega pomena, pri tem pa nam je lahko v veliko pomoč poznavanje dobrih praks drugih držav, vendar pa se moramo vedno zavedati, da jih je treba razumeti v luči njihove družbene realnosti in ne pričakovati popolne preslikave pri nas. ; In Slovenia, discussion about the establishment of the secondary level of local self-government have been going on for years, but despite numerous attempts and a constitutional order, we still do not have provinces. Regional and local self-government are regularities in the majority of States of the European Union (EU), but one of the crucial and most important aspects of the establishment of such an authority is for sure a careful and goal-oriented determination of competences. In the main part of this thesis, we present framework regulations of the tasks of provinces in EU States by the following content sets: healthcare, regional development, economy and tourism, education and culture, infrastructure, environmental protection and agriculture. The thesis also briefly presents the contribution of the Council of Europe and EU to the development of local self-government at this intermediate level, but for better understanding, it tries to set a clear boundary between the federal and unitary regulation and the regional and wider local self-government. Finally, it adds an overview of the state in Slovenia in relation to the establishment of provinces, the determination of their competences, their regulation in the constitution and current proposed legislation. The 1991 Constitution of the Republic of Slovenia namely assumes three types of competences ; tasks of wider local importance, matters of regional importance and tasks within the State competence. In this manner, we will have to be careful to not assign to many State competences to provinces and thus complicate or even prevent provinces from effectively execute their original competences. Appropriate determination of competences is namely crucial and in this matter knowledge about good practices of other States can be of great help to us, but we have to be always aware that we have to understand them in the light of their social reality and not expect their perfect reflection in our case.
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V magistrski nalogi sem obravnavala problematiko prenove visokošolskih sistemov v evropskem prostoru, ki jo je sprožil bolonjski proces z namenom doseči večjo primerljivost med dotlej zelo različnimi nacionalnimi visokošolskimi sistemi. Bolonjski proces je oznaka za proces vzpostavitve skupnega evropskega visokošolskega prostora, katerega namen je zagotoviti večjo učinkovitost in konkurenčnost evropskih visokošolskih sistemov, pospeševati mobilnost študentov in akademskega osebja ter spodbujati zaposlovanje evropskega prebivalstva. Ker pa dokumenti bolonjskega procesa niso pravno obvezujoči in ne določajo jasnega načina in metod implementacije bolonjske reforme, se je vsaka država prenove svojih visokošolskih sistemov lotila drugače. Posledica tega so velike razlike pri uspešnosti izvedbe reforme, kar Evropo oddaljuje od zastavljenih ciljev. V nalogi sem predstavila tudi potek slovenske implementacije bolonjske reforme in nekaj napak, za katere menim, da so odločilno prispevale k njenemu neuspehu. Eden izmed glavnih razlogov za neuspeh reforme pri nas (in v številnih drugih državah) je tudi finančna izčrpanost visokega šolstva, ki se v Sloveniji v zadnjih letih še zaostruje, saj država vsako leto visokemu šolstvu nameni manj proračunskih sredstev. Nekaj besed sem namenila tudi razmisleku o možnosti uvedbe šolnin, ki se v javnosti občasno predlaga kot ena izmed možnih dopolnitev (nezadostnemu) javnemu financiranju visokega šolstva. ; This master's thesis focuses on the issue of reforming higher education systems in Europe, brought on by the Bologna Process with the intention of achieving a higher level of comparability among previously vastly different national education systems. The Bologna Process is a process of establishing a common European higher education system, the aim of which is to ensure greater efficiency and competitiveness among European higher education systems, encourage the mobility of students and academic staff and promote employment of Europeans. Given, however, that the documents of the Bologna Process are not legally binding and do not determine a clear system and implementation methods of the Bologna reform, each country took a different approach to reforming their higher education systems. The consequences are big differences in success in terms of the implementation of the reform, which diverges Europe from its objective. The thesis presents the course of the Slovene implementation of the Bologna reform and some of the mistakes that have most likely contributed decisively to its failure. One of the main reasons for the reform's failure in Slovenia (and several other countries) is the exhausted financial resources of the higher education system. This is getting progressively worse in Slovenia due to the country cutting budget allocations for the higher education system every year. Some thought is also given to the possibility of implementing tuitions, a solution presented in public as one of the possible supplements to the (insufficient) public funding of the higher education system.
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In: Teorija in praksa, S. 969-988
The war in Ukraine is the most significant threat to the peace of the Euro-Atlantic area in decades. After 4 years of Trump's weakening of transatlantic relations, Biden's presumed foreign policy doctrine includes their quick renewal, or re-Atlantisation. The article problematises the 'new' strategy of containment given Russia's aggression, the state of transatlantic relations, and the current global order's configuration, whereby the transatlantic bond is being strengthened and the formation of Biden's foreign policy doctrine is being followed by a 'grand-strategic' shift. Four different models of transatlantic relations (mutual autonomy, strategic autonomy, strategic partnership, situational partnership) are discussed where variables include the approach taken by the USA to transatlantic relations, and the approach of Europe's EU and NATO members to transatlantic relations are addressed. The main argument is that transatlantic relations during Biden's mandate have constantly oscillated between a stra-tegic partnership, especially related to common goals of democracy promotion and containment and situ-ational partnership. Situations like the war in Ukraine have simultaneously acted to strengthen the American–European partnership based on the shared security and political interests.Keywords: transatlantic relations, reatlantisation, USA, Europe, Biden doctrine, war in Ukraine, strategic part-nership, situational partnership
In: Lex localis: revija za lokalno samoupravo ; journal of local self-government ; Zeitschrift für lokale Selbstverwaltung, Band 5, Heft 4, S. 19-39
ISSN: 1581-5374
The regionalization of Slovenia implies that it is about a demanding professional & political project, which is expected to be completed in 2008 by establishing the regions. The beginning of their functioning is planned as from 1 January 2009. In order to provide this process, some constitutional amendments were introduced in 2006 The regional legislation with its associated implementing regulations should implement them. The bills on regions, their financing, regional elections & establishment of regions (these bills are already being discussed in the National Assembly of the Republic of Slovenia) are a touchstone for introduction of regions & for a successful beginning of their functioning. There is a variety of challenges & dilemmas regarding regional competences & the number of regions, own tax resources, regional authority organization & other issues. Very few international standards & good local & regional self-government principles are adhered to in Slovenia. For this reason, some criticism has come from the Council of Europe & the European Union. Although regionalization is an internal matter of the states concerned, the European principles regarding the objectives of regionalization, division & sharing of powers between levels of government, the scope of regional self-government, sharing of tax revenues & public finance, the connection between the regionalization processes & European & world processes, etc. cannot be avoided. References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Teorija in praksa, S. 775-786
The war in Ukraine is the biggest, bloodiest and longest war in Europe since 1945. Its initial stage holds similarities with several other armed conflicts and wars in the last 50 years on Cyprus and in the territories of the former Soviet Union and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). Among the cases in exYugoslavia, greatest similarity is seen with the war in Croatia (1991–1995). This conflict stemmed from two almost simultaneous breakdowns of multinational 'socialist federations' and their communist regimes that were similar in structure. The dissimilarity of the second stage of the war in Ukraine and the war in Croatia is primarily due to the processes of NATO and EU enlargement coupled with the USA's policy of using NATO enlargement and Ukraine as tools to harm and weaken Russia. The conflict about Ukraine and the promise of NATO membership given to it has become an indirect war between Russia and the US-led West, where Ukraine is the West's proxy and the main victim of the war. Like what occurred in Croatia in August 1995 and in Azerbaijan in September 2023, the final outcome of the war in Ukraine will be decided on the battlefield, not around a diplomatic table. Still, it will be very different from that in Croatia. Responsibility for the war in Ukraine and its consequences must be shared between the two direct belligerents, the co-responsible USA, and other NATO members. Keywords: Ukraine, Russia, Croatia, USA, NATO, internal war, interstate war
Tale Zbornik prispevkov je večinoma nasledek vsakoletne prireditve v režiji Sinagoge Maribor, ki poteka že več let na dan spomina na holokavst pod naslovom Šoa - spominjajmo se. Vsako leto ta dogodek, enodnevni znanstveni posvet, prinese toliko novega gradiva, spoznanj in sintez, da lahko brez pretiravanja rečemo: čeprav so slovenske judovske študije in študije holokavsta močno finančno podhranjene in v nacionalni shemi financiranja temeljnega raziskovanja komajda tu pa tam pridobijo kak skromen projekt, so prav te študije v Sloveniji med najbolj propulzivnimi. ; Ovaj zbornik radova je najvećim delom rezultat godišnje manifestacije u organizaciji mariborske sinagoge, koja se već nekoliko godina održava na Dan sećanja na Holokaust pod nazivom Šoa - da se setimo. Svake godine, ovaj događaj, jednodnevna naučna konferencija, donosi toliko novog materijala, znanja i sinteze da možemo reći bez preterivanja: iako su slovenačke studije Jevreja i Holokausta ozbiljno finansijski nedovoljno finansirane, a nacionalna šema finansiranja osnovnih istraživanja jedva da postoji, ovaj, iako skroman projekat, jedan je od najzahtevnijih studija u Sloveniji. ; Although the Slovenian Jewish and Holocaust studies which have successfully consolidated during the past decade and a half does not enjoy any systematic support and financing from the part of the Slovenian state, they are nevertheless one of the most propulsive fields of scientific inquiry, with a proliferation of seminal publications. The yearly "Shoah - Let Us Remember" symposium organised by Synagogue Maribor as a central part of the commemorations of the Holocaust Remembrance Day regularly brings to light a wealth of new data, insights and syntheses. The reasons for such flourishing of the Slovenian Jewish and Holocaust studies are perhaps twofold: one, there exists a growing understanding especially among the engaged intellectuals in the social sciences and historiography that Slovenia has yet to embark on, and conclude the process of de-Fascistisation, the process that was nowhere in the western world a particularly swift or immediate one. Two, there exists a growing public awareness that history tends to repeat itself in a cyclic fashion and that the collapse of social and economic structures and the sharp decline of democratic principles such as we have witnessed especially since the 2008 world financial crisis bear striking resemblances to the circumstances that existed in the pre-WWII world, and that caused an unheard of genocide and global war. This volume is yet another in the series of very poignant publications on the Holocaust in Slovenia. It is especially commendable that the authors have taken a decisive step into studying the genocide perpetrated on the Romany who was, next to the Jews, principal victims of systematic Nazi extermination policies. Most appropriately, the volume also examines the more exceptional fates of the Jews who were veteran officers of WWII in the Austro-Hungarian armada, and a portrait of Slovenian resistance fighter Ali Kardoš. Two portraits of Slovenian "Righteous Among the Nations", customs officer Uroš Žun and Catholic priest Andrej Tumpej, complement these historical portraits. All these histories are cast against the backdrop of a huge, tragic canvas of Jewish refugees who have, following the Anschluss of Austria in 1938, flooded Europe, ex-Yugoslavia as well, in their frantic search of an exit from "mousetrap Europe". ; Zbornik je pripremljen u okviru projekta Šoa - da se setimo 2012/2013, koji je finansijski podržala Međunarodna alijansa za sećanje na holokaust (IHRA). Objavljivanje zbornika sufinansirala je Opština Maribor (the collection was prepared as part of the Shoah project - let's remember 2012/2013 financially supported by the International Holocaust Remembrance Association (IHRA) Holocaust Remembrance Alliance. The publication of the proceedings was co-financed by the City Municipality Maribor).
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In: [Maribor
Evropska unija je postavila raziskave in inovacije v središče svojih aktivnosti ter jih finančno podprla z okvirnimi programi za raziskave in razvoj. Trenutni okvirni program, Obzorje 2020, je z 80 milijardami EUR v sedemletnem proračunskem obdobju največji javno financiran raziskovalni program na svetu. Cilj programa je ustvarjanje učinkovitega evropskega raziskovalnega prostora ter s tem povečevanje konkurenčnosti evropskega gospodarstva. V magistrskem delu bomo podrobneje analizirali uspešnost slovenskih udeležencev v okvirnih programih EU, motive za sodelovanje v okvirnih programih ter preverjali vpliv javnih in zasebnih naložb v raziskave in razvoj, kamor sodijo tudi sredstva iz okvirnih programov EU, na gospodarsko rast in na inovativnost držav članic EU. Ugotavljali bomo tudi, ali so srednje in vzhodnoevropske države, ki imajo nižji raziskovalni potencial v primerjavi z zahodnoevropskimi manj uspešne pri pridobivanju sredstev iz okvirnih programov EU. Ob koncu bomo preverili tudi kanale lobiranja v Obzorju 2020 ter podali priporočila za bolj uspešno črpanje sredstev iz programov EU. ; European Union has put research and innovation at the center of its activities and has financially supported is with framework programmes for research and development. With the budget of 80 billion EUR in a seven year period, the current framework programme Horizon 2020 is the biggest publicly funded research programme in the world. The aim of the programme is to create effective European Research Area and strengthen the competitiveness of Europe in the world. The paper will analyze the succsess of Slovenian participants in the EU framework programmes, motives for participation and the effect of public and private investments in the research and development on the economic growth and innovation in EU Member States. We will also show that Central and Eastern European countries are less successful in EU framework programmes due to their lower research potential. At the end we will describe channels for lobbying for the EU framework programmes and provide recommendations for better participation in the EU framework programmes.
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In: Maribor
Varnost cestnega prometa najpogosteje povezujemo s številom prometnih nesreč in mrtvimi v prometnih nesrečah. Po statističnih podatkih Policije predstavlja vožnja pod vplivom alkohola enega izmed najpomembnejših dejavnikov za nastanek prometnih nesreč. V Sloveniji število povzročiteljev prometnih nesreč, ki so pod vplivom alkohola, sorazmerno pada z zmanjševanjem števila prometnih nesreč. V nalogi je prikazana prometna varnost ter socialna stališča ljudi do prometne varnosti v Evropi in Sloveniji. Podrobneje je analizirana prometna varnost na območju Policijske uprave Maribor v letih 2008–2012, s poudarkom na vplivu alkohola na varnost v cestnem prometu. Spremembe prometne zakonodaje in uvedba ukrepov na področju zmanjšanja rabe alkohola pripomorejo k zmanjševanju števila prometnih nesreč, ki jih povzročijo povzročitelji pod vplivom alkohola. V prihodnje je potrebno spodbujanje udeležencev v prometu k odgovornejšemu ravnanju in vedenju, oblikovanju zavesti o prometni varnosti in spoštovanju zakonodajnih predpisov, da bi se zagotovila večja prometna varnost cestnega prometa. ; Road traffic safety is most commonly related to the number of accidents and deaths in traffic accidents. Statistical data collected by the police show that driving under the influence of alcohol is one of the most important factors for the occurrence of traffic accidents. In Slovenia, the number of accidents caused by drivers under the influence of alcohol decreases proportionally to the decreasing number of traffic accidents. The study presents traffic safety and people's social perception about road transport safety in Europe and in Slovenia. More detailed analysis of transportation security highlighting the impact of alcohol on road traffic safety is given for the area within the Police Administration Maribor during the years 2008–2012. Modifications of traffic regulation and the implementation of measures to reduce usage of alcohol are assisting to lower the number of traffic accidents caused by alcohols intoxicated drivers. To assure better road transportation safety in the future, the encouragement of all road traffic participants to act responsibly, to be aware of traffic safety guidelines and to obey traffic regulation is necessary.
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