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In this paper, an argument is developed in favour of further integration of "Europe" and, most importantly, its increased "politicization". It is not based on any romantic or idealistic vision of a positive European cultural identity, but on an assessment of Europe's reality as already integrated economically, socially and ecologically, however lagging behind politically in terms of democratic government and citizenship. The seemingly endless discussions about Europe's identity, limit, unity, civilization, etc. are not a problem that is yet to be solved, but are, precisely, the core of what makes Europe what it is: a plurality in unity instead of a "unity in plurality", as one of the official slogans of the European Union (EU) has it. Current social, economic and environmental problems require European solutions as well as a moreactiveEuropean citizenship. However, European civil identity that is to match European societal reality, will not be a unitary and homogeneous identity, but heterogeneous and diverse, covering a plurality of perceptions, preferences and ideals ‐ it will beplural, not as a first step towards unity, but in its core; and it will bedivided, but not along national lines. Vieningumo pliuralumas: europietiškasis tapatumas ir europietiškasis pilietiškumas Santrauka.Tolesnė "Europos" integracija ir svarbiausia – vis dažnesnės "politinės diskusijos" šia tema yra remiamos ir skatinamos. Vadovaujamasi ne romantine ar idealistine pozityvaus europietiškojo tapatumo vizija, bet Europos ekonominės, socialinės ir ekologinės integracijos vertinimu bei požiūriu, esą ji politiškai atsilieka demokratinio valdymo ir pilietiškumo atžvilgiais. Tariamai nesibaigiančios diskusijos Europos tapatumo, ribų, vieningumo, civilizacijos ir panašiais klausimais nėra ta problema, kuri jau turi būti išspręsta, bet iš esmės sudaro tokios Europos, kokia ji yra, pagrindą: vieningumo pliuralumas vietoj "pliuralumo vieningumo", kaip skelbia vienas iš oficialių Europos Sąjungos (ES) lozungų. Nūdienės socialinės, ekonominės ir ...

In this paper, an argument is developed in favour of further integration of "Europe" and, most importantly, its increased "politicization". It is not based on any romantic or idealistic vision of a positive European cultural identity, but on an assessment of Europe's reality as already integrated economically, socially and ecologically, however lagging behind politically in terms of democratic government and citizenship. The seemingly endless discussions about Europe's identity, limit, unity, civilization, etc. are not a problem that is yet to be solved, but are, precisely, the core of what makes Europe what it is: a plurality in unity instead of a "unity in plurality", as one of the official slogans of the European Union (EU) has it. Current social, economic and environmental problems require European solutions as well as a moreactiveEuropean citizenship. However, European civil identity that is to match European societal reality, will not be a unitary and homogeneous identity, but heterogeneous and diverse, covering a plurality of perceptions, preferences and ideals ‐ it will beplural, not as a first step towards unity, but in its core; and it will bedivided, but not along national lines. Vieningumo pliuralumas: europietiškasis tapatumas ir europietiškasis pilietiškumas Santrauka Tolesnė "Europos" integracija ir svarbiausia – vis dažnesnės "politinės diskusijos" šia tema yra remiamos ir skatinamos. Vadovaujamasi ne romantine ar idealistine pozityvaus europietiškojo tapatumo vizija, bet Europos ekonominės, socialinės ir ekologinės integracijos vertinimu bei požiūriu, esą ji politiškai atsilieka demokratinio valdymo ir pilietiškumo atžvilgiais. Tariamai nesibaigiančios diskusijos Europos tapatumo, ribų, vieningumo, civilizacijos ir panašiais klausimais nėra ta problema, kuri jau turi būti išspręsta, bet iš esmės sudaro tokios Europos, kokia ji yra, pagrindą: vieningumo pliuralumas vietoj "pliuralumo vieningumo", kaip skelbia vienas iš oficialių Europos Sąjungos (ES) lozungų. Nūdienės socialinės, ekonominės ir aplinkosaugos problemos reikalauja europietiškų sprendimų ir kur kas aktyvesnio europietiškojo pilietiškumo. Tačiau norint, kad europietiškasis pilietinis tapatumas atitiktų europietiškąją socialinę tikrovę, jis neturi būti bendras ir homogeniškas, bet, atvirkščiai, heterogeniškas ir įvairialypis, apimantis daugelį suvokimo perspektyvų, privilegijų ir idealų. Jis turi būti pliuralus, bet ne kaip pirmas žingsnis vieningumo link; jis turi būti iš esmės dalus, tačiau ne pagal valstybių sienas. Reikšminiai žodžiai: pilietiškumas, "civilizacionalizmas", diskursyvi erdvė, europietiškoji integracija, tapatumas, pliuralumas. First Published Online: 14 Oct 2010

What do we know about the relationship between Europe, the European Union and European identity? While national identity is a multifaceted phenomenon, European identity has been linked to the growth of the European Union. This article attempts to analyze some of the attributes of individuals with European identity in central and eastern Europe prior to EU accession by applying existing hypotheses on correlates of European identity. The phenomenon of identification with Europe prior to EU accession provides a window into understanding the identity mechanisms that inform the concept of European identity. The first Eurobarometer surveys measuring European identification in central and eastern accession states reported a puzzling finding: that more people, not less, identified with Europe than in existing EU states. An analysis of the Eurobarometer results provides counter-intuitive comparisons and contrasts between eastern and western Europe and uncovers potential mechanisms illustrating the content of contemporary European identity. Adapted from the source document.

Am Beispiel des deutsch-niederländisch-polnischen Comeniusprojektes "Fremd sein, Freund sein 1939 - 2009 - 2050" wird aufgezeigt wie die Schüler durch die Erfahrung, Europäer zu sein und als Europäer gemeinsam Theater zu spielen, dazu beiträgt, die europäische Identität der Schüler und ihre europäische Bürgerkompetenzen zu stärken. (DIPF/Autor)

Early theorists of European integration speculated that economic integration would lead to political integration and a European identity. A European identity has not displaced national identities in the EU, but, for a significant share of EU citizens, a European identity exists alongside a national identity. At the same time, political parties asserting more traditional nationalist identities and policies have directed their dissatisfaction against immigrants, foreigners, and, sometimes, the EU. Those who participate in "Europe" are more likely to develop a European identity, while those whose economic and social horizons are essentially local are more likely to assert nationalist identities.

Political theory of European union, through an engagement between political concepts and theoretical understandings, provides a means of identifying the EU as a political object. It is argued that understanding the projects, processes and products of European union, based on 'sharing' or 'communion', provides a better means of perceiving the EU as a political object rather than terms such as 'integration' or 'co-operation'. The concept of 'European communion' is defined as the 'subjective sharing of relationships', understood as the extent to which individuals or groups believe themselves to be sharing relations (or not), and the consequences of these beliefs for European political projects, processes and products. By exploring European communion through an engagement with contemporary political theory, using very brief illustrations from the Treaty of Lisbon, the article also suggests that European communion embraces three different readings of the EU as a political object -- the EU as a constellation of communities; as a cosmopolitan space; and as an example of cosmopolitical co-existence. In other words, the political object of European union may be identified as sharing 'European communion'. Adapted from the source document.

In this article, the author explores how the question of Europe has been established on the domestic scene. The article focuses on referenda on EU-related issues held in three EU member states, ranging from Ireland in 2001, to Sweden in 2003, and finally France in 2005. In all three cases, the national populations voted against the will of a majority of their representatives, and chose not to follow the defined EU agenda towards greater integration. The study includes analyses of the national news reporting in the three cases as well as responses from Brussels. The author infers that the three No-votes, in the perspective of the political elites, were interpreted as incentives to further the integration process, spelling out a message of that Europeans want Europe, even if some people (i.e. the No-voting majorities) were considered yet to learn what it means to be, act and think as Europeans in Europe. Adapted from the source document.

Early theorists of European integration speculated that economic integration would lead to political integration and a European identity. A European identity has not displaced national identities in the EU, but, for a significant share of EU citizens, a European identity exists alongside a national identity. At the same time, political parties asserting more traditional nationalist identities and policies have directed their dissatisfaction against immigrants, foreigners and, sometimes, the EU. Those who participate in 'Europe' are more likely to develop a European identity, while those whose economic and social horizons are essentially local are more likely to assert nationalist identities. It is argued in this article that the issue of European and national identity plays a heightened role in European politics, particularly in the economic crisis of 2007-11. The resolution of that crisis, which may result in increased European political co-operation, will have to take into account highly salient national identities that have so far resisted such co-operation. Adapted from the source document.

Frontmatter -- Table of Contents -- Notes on Contributors -- Abbreviations and References -- European/Supra-European: Cultural Encounters in Nietzsche's Philosophy -- Times of the Multitude and the Antichrist -- Goethe, Nietzsche, Varoufakis: Why Did the Greeks Matter – and Still Do? -- Nietzsche, Liberalism, and the Future of European Democracy -- How Does One Become Greek? Nietzsche and the Rediscovery of the South -- Europa nach Nietzsche: Integration ohne Identität -- Nietzsche's Europe -- Thus Spoke Zarathustra and a Europe Yet to Come -- "What Renders Our Sores Repugnant": Reconsidering Nietzsche on Ressentiment -- Two Visions of Europe: Nietzsche and Guizot -- Nietzsches Europa. Überlegungen zu einer neuen geistigen Landschaft -- Die "freie Gesellschaft" als 'hölzernes Eisen': Gesellschaftliche Perspektiven Europas im Abschnitt 356 von Nietzsches Fröhlicher Wissenschaft -- Transgressions of the Lawgiver: Nietzsche, Culture and the 'Good European' -- Beyond Boundaries: Contesting Authorities in Nietzsche's Europe -- Good Europeanism: The Practice and Pathos of Nietzsche's Good Europeans -- Nietzsches 'übereuropäisches' Denken – biographische und kulturelle Aspekte -- Nietzsches Interkulturalität und die anthropologische Perspektive der Klassischen deutschen Philosophie -- Im 'Zeitalter der Vergleichung': Nietzsche, das Problem der Wertschätzungen und das Erbe Feuerbachs -- Europäisch, übereuropäisch – menschlich? Über Grenzüberschreitungen in Nietzsches Humanitätsverständnis -- Nicht-Europäisch oder Über-Europäisch? Zur alten Frage, was Russland 'versprechen kann' -- "Unter Töchtern der Wüste". Islamische Sinnlichkeit und christliche Sexualfeindlichkeit bei Nietzsche -- Nietzsche and the Falāsifa -- Wer ist der "gute Europäer"? – Aus der Perspektive der japanischen Nietzsche-Forschungsgeschichte -- The Children of Nietzsche: Chaos, Plurality and Cosmopolitanism in Joyce and Pessoa -- Index of Subjects -- Index of Names