Suchergebnisse

Cilj je ovoga rada pokazati da Toma Akvinski problem zla promišlja ne samo kao pitanje zla u njemu samome nego i u puno širem kontekstu Božjeg stvarateljskog djela i providnosnog upravljanja te na taj način dokazuje da činjenica postojanja zla u svijetu nije održiv argument protiv Božjeg postojanja. Naime, za Tomu Akvinskog zlo nije nešto, nekakvo biće sa svojom biti i naravi, nego je ono lišenost dobra, nedostatak onoga dobra koje je neko biće po naravi dužno imati. Zlo ima dobro za svoj subjekt, objekt i uzrok, a može na koncu imati i dobro kao svoj učinak. Takva potpuna uronjenost i ovisnost zla o dobru kazuje da je ontološki status zla s jedne strane realan, a s druge strane da nije apsolutan. Zlo ne može postojati od sebe, po sebi i za sebe. Ono je pod svakim vidom podređeno dobru. Takav statuszla postaje još očitiji u Akvinčevu osvrtu na odnos zla i apsolutnog dobra koje je Bog. Bog je onaj koji jest u apsolutnom smislu, a zlo postoji samo u odnosu na dobro koje je Božje stvorenje. Propadanje stvari je tek posljedica Božjeg stvaranja dobrog svijeta u kojemu postoje bića koja mogu biti deficijentna u dobru, što ona ponekad i jesu. To znači da Bog ne želi zlo, nego ga na neki način dopušta dok sve providnosno upravlja k dobru koje je on sam. Naime, Bog je toliko svemoguć da dopuštajući zlo može ostvariti i veća i brojnija dobra. U djelu Božjega upravljanja svijetom čovjek zauzima posebno mjesto jer je sposoban za osobni odnos s Bogom. No čovjek se slobodnom voljom može i odmetnuti od poretka i pravila koji ga vodi sjedinjenju s njegovim krajnjim dobrom koje je Bog. Takav čin se naziva moralno zlo krivnje ili grijeh. Toma Akvinski primjer i uzor pobjede dobra nad zlom nalazi u liku pravednog i nevinog Joba koji je, upravo zahvaljujući iskustvu strahovitoga zla, shvatio da Bog beskrajno transcendira ljudsku spoznaju, bitak i moć, te da bi svako pripisivanje zla Bogu bilo ludost, a svako nijekanje Božjega postojanja zbog zla koje ga je zadesilo bezumlje. Job je shvatio da Božja pravednost i logos vladaju svime i da je konačna pobjeda dobra sigurna. ; This paper aims to show that Thomas Aquinas consider the problem of evil, not only as a question of evil in itself, but in the much broader context of God's work of creation and providential government, and thus proves that the existence of evil in the world is not a viable argument against God's existence. For Thomas Aquinas, evil is not something, some being with its essence and nature, but it is the lack (or privation) of a good that should by nature be present in a being. Evil has good as its subject, object, and cause, and may ultimately have good as its effect. Such complete immersion and dependence of evil on good says that evil's ontological status is real, but not absolute. Evil cannot exist from itself, by itself and for itself. It is in every way subordinated to the good. Such a status of evil becomes even more apparent in Aquinas' view of the relation between evil and the absolute good that is God. God is the one who exists in the absolute sense, and evil exists only in relation to the good that is God's creation. The decay of things is only a consequence of God creating a good world in which some beings may be deficient in good, which they sometimes are. This means that God does not want evil, but in a way allows it while providentially governing everything to the good that he is. God is so omnipotent that by allowing evil he can accomplish even greater and more numerous goods. In the work of God's governing over the world, man occupies a special place because he is capable of a personal relationship with God. But man can also voluntarily deviate from the order and rules that lead him to union with his ultimate good which is God. Such an act is called the moral evil of guilt or sin. Thomas Aquinas finds the example and model of the victory of good over evil in the character of the righteous and innocent Job, who, thanks to the experience of a terrible evil, has realised that God infinitely transcends human cognition, being and power, and that any attribution of evil to God would be foolishness, that every denial of God's existence because of the evil that befell him would be insane. Job realised that God's righteousness and logos rule everything and that the ultimate victory of good is certain.

Bijela knjiga je uobičajeni naziv za internu analizu Saveza komunista Hrvatske iz ožujka 1984. u kojoj su sabrane antisistemske pojave iz javnoga prostora od 1982. do 1984., najvećim dijelom iz Srbije, a koje su bile u suprotnosti s politikom Saveza komunista Jugoslavije. Ona je bila rezultat dosljedne provedbe zaključaka Centralnoga komiteta Saveza komunista Jugoslavije u Hrvatskoj, ali i većem dijelu republika i autonomnih pokrajina. U Srbiji su to radili parcijalno, očito iz pobuda da ne idu do kraja u obračun s kritičarima komunizma jer su dijelu političkoga vrha Srbije služili i za druge ciljeve – promjenu političkoga sustava, što je bio eufemizam za redefiniranje jugoslavenskoga federalizma. Analiza je bila uvod u Savjetovanje kulturnih stvaralaca održano 23. svibnja 1984. u Zagrebu. Izazvala je razmimoilaženje između komunista Hrvatske i Srbije i potaknula dugotrajne polemike u medijima. ; The White Book is the popular name for the internal analysis of the League of Communists of Croatia from March 1984, in which anti-system occurrences in the public space—i.e. those that were at odds with the policies of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia—from 1982 to 1984 and mostly from Serbia, were gathered. It was the result of the consistent implementation of the policies of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia in Croatia as well as in most parts of the other Yugoslav republics and autonomous provinces. In Serbia, this was done only partially, obviously due to a desire to avoid a thorough settling of accounts with the media and anti-communists, because they were important to a part of the political leadership that wanted a change of the political system, which was a euphemism for redefining Yugoslav federalism. The goal of the Analysis was to highlight this issue, while the Consultations of Cultural Creators held on 23 May 1984 were intended to offer help from Zagreb. It appears that the White Book purposefully ended up in the hands of persons in Belgrade for whose eyes it had not been intended, and thus worsened relations between the Leagues of Communists of Croatia and Serbia. The White Book was also the cause of long-lasting media polemics, despite the Party leadership's demands that they be stopped. It is a concrete example that there existed serious differences in the approach to the topic of ideological struggle within the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, and that the conclusions of the League's Central Committee were not being conducted according to the principles of 'democratic centralism'.

In this paper the author presents and interprets two versions of Coppola's classic Apocalypse Now. The film ending air-strike is the difference between the two versions, the air-strike which disappeared in the latter versions. The author focuses on the "missing" scene and argues that it is fundamental for the coherent interpretation of the movie. He uses Arendt's interpretation of Conrad's Heart of Darkness on which Coppola's film is based and tries to show how Coppola's film unknowingly expresses the concept of radical evil. Kurelic also argues that Kurtz represents an evildoer which is neither demonic nor thoughtless, exactly the type missing in Arendt's confrontation between radical evil and banal evil. The author wants to show how the film made in 1979, which was mainly understood as the film about the Viet Nam war, actually unintentionally represents an apocalyptic warning that the wars based on the clash of cultures and civilizations can produce the same outcome as Arendt's totalitarianism -- radical evil. Adapted from the source document.

The great story of don Quijote is the first novel in the literary West which attempts to restore the lost gestures (of mercy, chivalry, generosity, morality, & politicality as common interest), or rather bring them within the range of remembrance of the new epoch. Or, in the words of G. Agamben, "it tries for the last time to evoke that which threatens to elude it forever." The insanity of the epoch is manifest primarily through the insanity related to "loss of control over the gestures"; thus a demented gesticulation with absolute gestures of power becomes a universal symptom. It is precisely to this insanity of his time that the insane don Quijote responds with imagined or imaginary pure gestures of pure chivalry. This is the code of don Quijote's insanity: everyone claims that he alone is insane, but no one is aware that they themselves have fallen into the trap of insanity. The historical events testify to this fall into insanity, to the forgetting of every genuine chivalrous gesture, first & foremost towards adversaries, women, children, the elderly & the politically deprived. The end of religious tolerance is connected with the collapse of chivalrous idealism. The unhappy or lost mankind has lost its gestures of chivalry, morality & politicality, & this is the hour of the cruel world of outright political violence. The center of this world of dismay is the court as "the court of death," as the image of "evil giants" & "colossuses" which it sends forth from its deadly womb as the sole life-forces. Presently the court spreads the seed of wizardry as the seed of death to all corners of the world, as well as all arbitrary powers, from wizarding to nuclear, both in the present & in the future. Adapted from the source document.

The author used the 1956 Hungarian anti-Stalinist rebellion as the starting point for a thorough rethinking of the political structures of man's existence, in particular of political power. Such a rethinking is based on the insight regarding the autonomy of the political with regard to the economic and class structure of society. From this is derived not only the specific rationality of state and politics, but also the specific political evils related to the very nature of political power. Specific rationality, specific evil -- therein lies the double and paradoxical originality of the political. It is the task of political philosophy to make this originality explicit and to clarify its paradox: the greatest political evil is linked with the greatest political rationality, and political alienation exists precisely because the political is relatively autonomous. The autonomy of the political is not only the idea of man's stepping into man-hood through citizen-hood, but also the distinctive character of the political connection in relation to the economic connection. The understanding and criticism of the political paradox can be approached only if one sets clear boundaries to the political sphere and perceives the validity of the distinction between the political and the economic. Every criticism presupposes this distinction, and it does not abolish it in any respect. In order to rediscover the sense of the political, one must return to Rousseau's reflection in continuation of a return to the thinkers of classical antiquity (Aristotle's Politics in particular) as basis for any criticism of power. The truth of the political, as the reality of state ideality, is the legal equality of all before all, irreducible to class conflicts, to the dynamics of economic supremacy and alienation. But the state is also -- will, administration and physical coercion. Thus the political as a reasonable organisation implies politics as decision: the political is always accompanied by politics. Unlike the political, which exists only in great moments, in "crises", at "turning points", at crossroads of history, politics is perceived as a set of actions aimed at winning, executing and retaining power. Precisely politics poses the problem of political evil. This however does not mean that power is identical to evil. But power is particularly prone to evil; throughout history it has been perhaps the greatest opportunity for evil and the greatest demonstration of evil. The reason for this is that power is a momentous thing, that power is the instrument of historical rationality of the state. This is the fundamental political paradox. A practical solution to this paradox -- to achieve that there is a state, but that there is not too much of it -- is possible only through democratic control of the people over the state and through invention of institutional techniques the purpose of which is to make possible the exercise of power and to make impossible any abuse thereof. Adapted from the source document.

Unlike the debates on terrorism in everyday discourse & the media that, as a rule, imply that terrorism is an activity of nonstate groups & organizations, the author defines "terrorism" by means of its acts' nature & goals & not by its perpetrators -- hence, state terrorism. The author outlines a typology of the state's involvement in terrorism & highlights the question of terrorism's moral status. His assumption is that any act of terrorism is an ultimate moral evil, but that state terrorism is a greater evil than terrorism as practiced by nonstate actors. The author offers four arguments to corroborate this view. The last paragraph of this article speaks about counterterrorism &, finally, about the "war on terrorism" waged today by the US & its allies. 18 References. Adapted from the source document.

O poimanju ljudske prirode u Machiavellijevu djelu možemo govoriti na dvije razine. Prva je razina njegov temeljni antropološki pesimizam. Polazna je točka Machiavellijeve političke filozofije da su ljudi po prirodi skloni zlu, što, kako navodi u Raspravama o prvoj dekadi Tita Livija, kao početnu pretpostavku mora uzeti i svaki zakonodavac. Na drugoj razini, narav je pojedinoga čovjeka po njemu bitno nepromjenjiva pa kada se ona slaže s vremenima, on uspijeva (primjer pape Julija II.), a kada je u neskladu s onim što zahtijeva kontekst, neuspjeh je neizbježan. Na nizu primjera iz Machiavellijevih djela pokazuje se da je njegov pesimistički uvid u ljudsku prirodu temelj na kojem se gradi cijela njegova politička teorija. Zlu i sebičnosti sklona ljudska priroda objašnjenje je za stvaranja zajednice, zakona i državnih institucija, ali i dinamike koja dovodi do njihovog kvarenja i propasti. ; The concept of human nature in Machiavelli's work can be discussed on two levels. The first level regards its fundamental anthropological pessimism. The starting points of Machiavelli's political philosophy is that people are inclined by nature to be evil, which, as quoted in The Discourses on Livy, must be taken as a starting assumption by every legislator. On the second level, the nature of a particular man is essentially unchangeable, and thus when it agrees with the times, he succeeds (Pope Julius II being an example), and when a man is in contradiction with what is required by the context, failure is inevitable. Many examples from Machiavelli's work show that his pessimistic insight into human nature is the foundation upon which his entire political theory is built. The human nature, prone to evil and selfishness, is the explanation for the creation of communities, laws and state institutions, but also for the dynamics that lead to their decay and destruction.

On the occasion of the bicentennial of the publication of Kant's Treatise on Perpetual Peace, the author attempts to evoke & actualize that classic of modern philosophy of politics. According to Hajo Schmidt, the strong point of Kant's concept was his realism, which prevented him from slipping into intellectual, utopian idealization of human nature & political relations among people. Having in mind not only the rational but also irrational aspects of human nature, ie, the insuperable chasm between good & evil, Kant in that respect offers edifying peacemaking propositions. This he achieves by advocating the concepts of free individuals, independent national states, & the cosmopolitan unity of humankind. These three moments make up the content of Kant's concept of republicanism. Their identity & plurality are the foundations of the peace. 3 References. Adapted from the source document.

On the occasion of the bicentennial of the publication of Kant's Treatise on Perpetual Peace, the author attempts to evoke & actualize that classic of modern philosophy of politics. According to Hajo Schmidt, the strong point of Kant's concept was his realism, which prevented him from slipping into intellectual, utopian idealization of human nature & political relations among people. Having in mind not only the rational but also irrational aspects of human nature, ie, the insuperable chasm between good & evil, Kant in that respect offers edifying peacemaking propositions. This he achieves by advocating the concepts of free individuals, independent national states, & the cosmopolitan unity of humankind. These three moments make up the content of Kant's concept of republicanism. Their identity & plurality are the foundations of the peace. 3 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author points to the fact that Christianity & democracy have been at the center of the European cultural heritage. If democracy, in keeping with the American Declaration of Independence & the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen, is defined as a political system aiming to protect human rights in a society, it can be demonstrated that this goes hand in hand with the social & political keynotes of Catholicism. It is Catholicism that dwells on human free will & the responsibility for choosing between good & evil. It also stresses man's concomitant participation in the activities of secular & religious communities -- the state & the Church -- which are strictly separated. It ensues that the Church cannot be a partisan of any political party, including those built around Catholics' secular activities. The Church also opposes the reduction of democracy to mere multiparty power squabbling. 3 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author points to the fact that Christianity & democracy have been at the center of the European cultural heritage. If democracy, in keeping with the American Declaration of Independence & the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen, is defined as a political system aiming to protect human rights in a society, it can be demonstrated that this goes hand in hand with the social & political keynotes of Catholicism. It is Catholicism that dwells on human free will & the responsibility for choosing between good & evil. It also stresses man's concomitant participation in the activities of secular & religious communities -- the state & the Church -- which are strictly separated. It ensues that the Church cannot be a partisan of any political party, including those built around Catholics' secular activities. The Church also opposes the reduction of democracy to mere multiparty power squabbling. 3 References. Adapted from the source document.

Based on the experience of former rightist & communist dictatorships in Europe regarding different forms of opposition -- both open & hidden within these regimes' structures -- the author analyzes the role of the opposition in the process of the sweeping democratic change that has taken the "new democracies" of Central & Eastern Europe in the direction of the state of law & civil society. His conclusion is that in today's Central European countries, political multiparty pluralism, which includes viable parliamentary opposition, was given a smooth start & has since taken root. However, in the countries with only superficial democracy & an obvious "democratic deficit" -- eg, Croatia (& Slovakia) -- parliamentary opposition plays second fiddle. The prime movers of the change -- & of the democratization as well -- are still the ruling parties (not unlike during the communist single-party regimes). Changes occur only when the ruling party or its majority opt for them, considering them the lesser of two evils, either because they are no longer satisfied with the distribution of power & goods in the status quo, or because they are aware that it cannot be maintained in its present form. This happened in the Soviet Union, first under Nikita Khruschev & then again under Mihail Gorbachev. Changes, however, when imposed from above, get out of hand & backfire against those who have set them off (as in the case of Gorbachev); what emerges is usually a compromise between the old & the emerging regime. Adapted from the source document.

Ovaj diplomski rad pruža svojevrstan pregled razvoja sigurnosne i antiterorističke politike EU temeljene na idejama manjeg zla, ravnoteže i trgovanja između slobode i sigurnosti, uz analizu samih ideja. Analizirajući izvanrednost sigurnosne politike EU s jedne, te terorizma kao glavnog izazova sigurnosti EU (uz etničke sukobe) s druge strane, u radu se prikazuju određene proturječnosti sigurnosnih mjera EU utemeljenih na ideji ravnoteže sigurnosti i slobode. Proturječnosti su vidljive, ne toliko u smislu neprestanog pozivanja na nužnost i važnost očuvanja sigurnosti i slobode i paralelnom ograničavanju istih, koliko u smislu ograničavanja ili ukidanje ljudskih prava i sloboda kao načina podizanja općeg stanja sigurnosti bez pružanja konkretnih procjena o učinkovitosti istih, bez stvarnih jamstava ili dokaza o postizanja sigurnosnih uspjeha. Europska integracija počiva na vrijednostima mira, slobode, jednakosti i tolerancije od samih svojih početaka. U kompleksnosti odnosa europskih liberalnih vrijednosti i ciljeva s jedne, te sigurnosne nužnosti i opravdanja s druge strane, ovaj rad svoju tezu temelji na nekoliko primjera ograničavanja temeljnih ljudskih i građanskih sloboda. Građanska prava koja se obrađuju temelje se na Ugovoru iz Maastrichta, dok se ljudska prava temelje se na Europskoj konvenciji o ljudskim pravima. Kada se govori o postizanju, povećanju ili ugrozi sigurnosti, sigurnost se definira kao (I.) "Sigurnost kao stanje osjećaja zbrinutosti i smirenosti, slobode od straha ili tjeskobe" i (II) "Sigurnost kao poduzimanje mjera i postupaka s ciljem poboljšanja sigurnosti države ili organizacije". Europska sigurnost je shvaćena kao strategija vrlo bliska konceptu europskog identiteta tj. kao artikulacija zajedničkih europskih vrijednosti i interesa. ; This master's thesis provides an unique overview of the development of security and counter-terrorism policies of the EU based on the ideas of the lesser evil, balance and tradeoffs between freedom and security, along with an analysis of the ideas ...

U članku se razrađuje identitet grada koji je poistovjećen sa sudbinom samoga autora u tijeku najtežega dana napada na grad u Domovinskome ratu. Poistovjećujući se s gradom, on se istodobno pretvara i u središnji lik romana. Riječ je o posve drukčijemu i dosad nepoznatome ratnom pismu u Hrvatskoj jer je djelo posvema okrenuto transcendenciji. U romanu je rat tek sila zla, a ne politički proizvod. Tragičnost rata u Hrvatskoj kao književna tema prikazana je na sveopćoj civilizacijskoj razini kao iskonsko prokletstvo čovječanstva. Grad Zadar, smješten na obalama Sredozemlja, svojom povijesti i baštinom koja se razara preuzima na se ulogu Čovjekova glasnogovornika. Kada se ruši grad kao sveti prostor, čovjek gubi svoj vlastiti identitet. Povratak identiteta moguć je samo na simboličkoj i metafizičkoj razini pa roman obiluje simboličkim i arhetipskim slojevima i motivima. ; The article elaborates an identity of the city which is identified with the author's destiny during the hardest day of attacking the city in the Croatian War of Independence. Identifying himself with the city, at the same time he turns himself in the main novel protagonist. That is a completely different and so far unknown war letter in Croatia, because the work is completely turned to transcendence. In the novel the war is the evil force and not political product. Tragicalness of the war in Croatia as the literary topic is shown at the general civilization level as a true human damnation. City of Zadar, located at the Mediterranean coasts, with his history and destroying heritage takes over the role of human spokesperson. When a city as the holy area is destroyed, a human loses his/her own identity. Return of identity is possible only at the symbolic and metaphysic level, therefore the novel is full of symbolic and archetype motives.