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The paper deals with a description of institutionalism and focuses on its contemporary form - the so-called neo-institutionalism. The main three parts relate to: (1) characteristics and criticism of neo-institutionalism; (2) the relationship between neo-institutionalism and the mainstream economics; (3) the relationship between neo-institutionalism and the new institutional economics. In the authors opinion neither neo-institutionalism nor the new institutional economics should be seen as alternatives to the mainstream economics. Instead, an attempt should be made to combine their strengths and achievements in order to provide a better explantation of the market economy mechanisms In conclusion, attention is paid to the applicability of neo-institutionalism and of the new institutional economics to the analysis of transition from a centrally planned to a free market economy. Many of the related phenomena (inertia and slow evolution of institutions as obstacles to the economic transition) are best explicable on the level of institutional analysis. In this context neo-institutionalism seems more useful for macroeconomists, whereas the new institutional economics can be of help both to mezo- and microeconomists ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The general aim of the paper is a systenatization of concepts and also an analysis of some aspects of the process of forming institutional infrastructure in Europe after the collapse of centrally managed economic system. Characteristic feature of such transformations is that they concern mainly the sphere of non-material components of economic subjects' surrouding. This involves difficulties in monitoring them and in interpreting them in a strict way. Europe needs a transformation of all the elements of its institutional infrastructure. In teh case of such institutions-organizations as European Union or NATO - an evolution is expected towards their more universal character. Within the institutions of codified principles the developing of European political infrastructure (i.e. agreements serving increased co-operation of all States of the region) is more particularly desirable. The element that unites transformations of institutions-organizations and institutions-formali zed principles is the fact that both of them are undertaken fully consciously. Also changes within institutions-non-formalized principles are of much importance for the process of European integration. The changes are the result of very complex and time consuming economic and social developments. The need for such changes involves more particularly the societies of former Eastern Europe which, under specific conditions of centrally planned economy, have developped institutional system quite difficult to adept it to the market economy. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The paper consists of three parts. The first one describes the conditions in which foreign trade with UE countries is carried out. Those conditions are a result of dozens of years of Common Agricultural Policy followed by EEC countries whose objectives and system conditions for their realisation have been presented in the paper. The evolution of objectives and measures taken to achieve them have also been shown. The second part addresses the need to protect the food market in Poland, suggesting to make use of the UE's experience in that respect, including mainly the implementation of certain system conditions and necessary instruments required to provide protection of the market. The third part gives an account of what has happened so far in the area of the realisation of the Agreement about a Liaison between Poland and the European Union countries in the sector of food processing and agriculture. The 'agricultural' part of the Agreement has been presented and the possibilities of trading plus first attempts of its evaluation have also been presented. They do not look too good for Poland which seems to receive disadvantaged treatment in comparison with the countries associated in the EU. The ratification of GATT agreements relatively reduces those benefits, too. Therefore, the need to renegotiate the agricultural part of the agreement may be required if the promised benefits for Poland were to remain on paper only. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

France is a country where the problems of local development as a means of rational utilization of local factors and conditions of growth have been studied for more than 20 years. It has been so due to the activity of the French social movement called "mouvement des pays", which opposes to the traditional model of managing the socio-economic development. That movement propagates the conception of microregions Which would embrace the territories of so-called "pays" with their population committed to common social and economic interests and bound by common traditions and history. The crisis of the '70 heightened the interests of the State in the problems of local communities and resulted in undertaking actions towards creating microregions and promoting local development. However, it was not before the period of preparations of the decentralization reform of the '80 that a more intensive dialogue and some assimilation of standpoints of the social movement and the State administration took place. In her article, the author presents the evolution of views of the social movement and the State central administration on the conceptions of microregions and local development. Particular attention was paid to solutions adopted in the course of the decentralization reform and to the possibilities of adapting them to Polish conditions. Since nowadays, due to the implementation of the economic reform, similar issues are of current interest in Poland, it seems useful to observe intently French developments, especially that despite obvious political and social differences, France seems to be a good point of reference for comparisons. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

A politological analysis is presented in this book of the more than seventy year long period of US — Panama relations. Particular interest is devoted to the diplomatic and international law aspects, since in the author's opinion they are of paramount, fundamental significance. The main stream of these considerations is preceded (section 1) by a description of the circumstances governing the founding od Panama as an independent state. The author sees this as the resultant of a number of causes, both internal and also external, and hence not merely as a product of US policies. In section 2 is presented the initial state of bilateral relations, in particular the circumstances accompanying the signing of the Hay — Bunau-Varilla agreement, analysis of its clauses and also the legal and practical consequences of this agreement as the plane of the links between' Panama and the United States. Panama — US relations in the years from 1904—1964 are shown (section 3), analysing selected problems in a dynamic conception. Dealt with here are such problems as: guaranteeing independence and the policy of intervention, titular and eminents sovereignty military and economic questions and also matters concerning the conflict of 1964. It is the author's view that the situations analysed determine the principal lines of division and differences in the interests of the two sides, and also make it possible to discern — in a negative sense — future and desired foundations of these bilateral relations. Also comprehended in the field of interest is the question of the interpretation of the 1903 convention^ the evolution of Panama's attitude towards its principal terms and also certain legal modifications. The last two sections deal with the story of the negotiations lastingover many years and also the analysis of the currently binding agreements on the Panama Canal. Attention is drawn to the internal and international determinants governing the attitudes of the two sides. The author evaluates the new foundation of US — Panama relations in finding answers to the question: to what degree have the three groups of already historical controversies between the two sides been eliminated. These involve: 1) the legal and factual position of the Canal Zone; 2) the legal situation of the canal; 3) the rights held by USA extending over the whole Panamese relations results from the overcoming of a certain barrier, impossilbe to surmount in the earlier period, which determined the limiting (referring both to intentions and also to pacts negotiated) to modification of the Hay — Bunau-Varilla agreements without making any changes in its basic terms. In this sense the actual treaties are an incomparable qualitative state (chiefly due to annulling the clause on the permanence and titular sovereignty of Panama over the Canal Zone) that is achieveable due to the determination of the Torrijos government and also of the Carter administration. The present situation is of a clearly temporary character (up to 2000 AD). Although many anachronistic regulations have been annulled and in many cases conditions for cooperation have been created, intractable problems for the future are discernible. These result from the different interpretations by the two sides of the function of the Panama Canal. Panama aims to extract maximum direct and indirect advantages from the canal. As a small country its policy is to achieve demilitarisation and neutrality understood as the elimination of foreign bases and the obtaining of international guarantees safeguarding against external intervention. For the USA the economic question, although important (the advantages are rather indirect), does not play such a dominant role. Moreover, the canal itself has a strategic significance, the more so in view Of the lack of stability in Central America. From the aspect of Panamese rights further doubts are raised by the plans for building a canal at sea level. Among the varied problems to be confronted in the coming decade, these major items are most likely to govern US — Panama relations: the economic viability, of exploiting the canal, the method of implementing its strategic function and matters relating to the plans for building a new canal.