Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Obsah -- Poděkování -- Úvod -- Kapitola 1 Imaginace genů -- Geny, geny… -- Doba genomická -- Projektování lidského genomu -- Genetizovaná diverzita lidí -- Genografický projekt – IBM a National Geographic -- Genografie migrace a původu -- České geny? -- Kapitola 2 Biomoc/biopolitika -- Život/bíos jako objekt a prostředek moci, politiky -- Genetizace života -- Biomoc/biopolitika -- Život a politika -- Biomoc a vládnutí populaci – governmentalita -- Biologické občanství -- Kapitola 3 Biomoc/biopolitika a idea rasy -- Úvod ke třetí kapitole -- Biomoc, DNA a idea rasy -- Moderní biomoc, národní těla a idea rasy -- Totální moderní biopolitika – případ nacionálního socialismu -- Exkurz: Triumf zdravého a krásného -- Leni Riefenstahlová a reprezentace nacionální komunity -- Zpět do současnosti – biomoc/biopolitika, DNA a idea rasy -- Kapitola 4. Imaginace etnogenů -- Úvod ke čtvrté kapitole -- Imaginace etnogenů -- Linie předků, DNA a etnicita -- Je fénická DNA vidět? -- Cesta člověka. Genetická odysea -- Genografický projekt -- Imaginace etnogenů a biomoc -- Idea distribuce stejnosti a rozdílnosti -- ImagEned communities … -- Idea "skupinování" -- Závěr -- Summary -- Literatura -- Prameny a materiály -- Autorčiny texty použité v knize -- Internetové zdroje -- Jmenný rejstřík

This study is an attempt to deliver a comprehensive (geo)political analysis of the evolution of transit routes to supply Caspian oil and natural gas reserves to world markets using the territory of the South Caucasus. In the initial part of the study, a series of transit options prevailing in the two decades up to 2005 is scrutinized; in 2005, the highly debated Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline was eventually built marking the shift in interest from oil transit to natural gas transit. Emphasizing the peculiarities of geopolitical competition for the strategically important area of the post-Soviet South Caucasus that has been continuing between Russia, the United States, and to a certain extent also Iran and Turkey, the article seeks to explore the close interconnection of politics and economics, and on some key occasions also the prevalence of the former over the latter, reaching in this regard beyond Caspian projects.

The paper analyses the development of the EU energy policy since the beginning of the European integration and argues that the eastern enlargement and two gas crises in 2006 and 2009 have crucially impacted its evolution. Originally, the ES/EU dealt primarily with the formation and liberalisation of internal energy market, however after 2004 the focus has shifted towards issues of energy security and external energy relations in general. The paper uses the spillover concept to analyse the development of the EU energy policy. It argues that the development of internal energy market was caused by a spillover from internal market as such, while the progress in the area of energy policy after the eastern enlargement was an outcome of efforts to achieve energy security; efforts that resulted in further spillover effects in areas such as diversification, external energy relations or efficiency. The paper thus claims that common European energy policy in its internal and external dimensions started to evolve gradually after the Eastern enlargement.

One Hundred Years of Solitude – mapping of a temporary networkUsing the case of the LARP One Hundred Years of Solitude, based on the book by Gabriel García Márquez, this article presents the process of the game's formation by mapping interactions leading to the constitution and upkeep of the game reality. In the description of the game's development as a temporary autonomous network, special emphasis is put on the rise of the game's agency. The process of LARP's evolution is presented as a chronological action, beginning in the moment when the game is too weak to be autonomous, and follows the process of recruiting mediators as a necessary precursor to the players' connection into the game's network. Furthermore, the process of the players taking over recruitment activity is presented, followed by the final stage, when the game and characters acquire an active role in steering the game themselves. The article is inspired by actor-network theory, which offers multiple ways of analysing interactions, as well as the consolidation and subsequent dissolution of the game network. By creating a map of game interactions, the article tries to present an alternative perspective to the traditional concept of the magic circle.

This publication represents an account of the evolution of Europe's role in international economic and political relations. We have employed a historical approach throughout the book so that we could reflect on various challenging issues. Among the most important is the rise in Europe's influence during the late Middle Ages and the early Industrial Era, the dramatic weakening of Europe in the first half of the 20th century, and its recent search for a new role in the globalized world. To make an informed contribution, we discuss a vast array of works of many prominent authors. Combining the most recent findings, this publication analyses a fascinating story of the rise and decline of Europe's important political units. To give a more comprehensive perspective on the key events and factors, a similar account of Europe's most important rivals and partners is also added. We hold that only honest and dedicated attempt at combining an institutional analysis with historically specific revelations of actors' motivations based on available historical data can enable us to understand not only the historical origins of recent developments, but also the motivations, interests, and ambitions of the most important actors, both in Europe and in the world. We strive to balance our emphasis on institutional and technological innovations with paying sufficient attention to the unique historical circumstances as well as to political power, conflicts, and war

The article analyses the evolution of the Slovak political party "Smer" (Direction) and its position in the party system of Slovak Republic. The article focuses on the shift of the party program from the "Centrist Populism" towards "Social Democracy." According to the first program documents the Party of "Smer" (Direction) was designed as pragmatic, non-ideological party. In the persistent conflict between authoritarianism vs. democracy "Smer" identified itself as the pro-democratic and pro-market force. Party policy before 2002 contained only few social democratic components; it was closer to the conservative or right-wing populist parties. After the parliamentary election 2002 and the failure of non-communist left "Smer" decided to become a member of the Socialist International (SI) and Party of European Socialists (PES). The process of the institutional approach to the international Social Democratic Party structures was accompanied by the substantial changes in the social and economic program of the party. The process was completed on the institutional level in May 2005, when Smer joined both SI and PES, and on the level of political program on the Party Congress in December 2005. In the process of so called "socialdemocratisation" of "Smer" the international factor played crucial role, especially the need to have an international partner in the European Parliament. "Smer" met the standards of the Social Democratic identity only in the social and economic affairs. The other five dimensions - environmental policy, participative democracy, cultural and human-rights dimension, supra-national dimension and the dimension of equality and freedom "Smer" met only partially or not at all, so these process remains unfinished. According to some political declarations "Smer" remains the populist party and the uncompromising critic of the right-wing government of Mikuláš Dzurinda, on the other side the official documents of the party anticipate only the moderate corrections of the economical and social reforms, ...

The study of the Bulgarian system of political parties assumed a relatively important position in the context of research in the genesis of party and political arrangements in post-communist countries of Central, South-East and Eastern Europe in the 1990s. It can be said that, in spite of certain delay, Bulgarian multipartism became one of the privileged subjects of that research, similarly to post-communist pluralisms in Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic (and/or Czechoslovakia). The attention given to Bulgarian party system was not a mere coincidence. The fact is that apart from some endemic peculiarities, Bulgarian multipartism also showed – and still, to a large extent, shows - some distinct features of indisputable interest and importance for the construction of models of formation of pluralist party systems, features linked especially with the complex phenomenon of Bulgarian post-communist party and political (bi)polarisation and its medium and long term system forming consequences. This article is a contribution to the discussion about the remarkable aspects of Bulgarian post-communist multipartism. In this perspective, special attention will be paid to links between the Bulgarian model of major pole dualism (Union of Democratic Forces, SDS, and Bulgarian Socialist Party, BSP), the format of its party system and the systemic effect of the "extended" ("protracted") initial social and political polarisation. In this context, also some partial issues related with the evolution of the potential and role of "third parties" in present-day Bulgarian context will be briefly addressed. ; The study of the Bulgarian system of political parties assumed a relatively important position in the context of research in the genesis of party and political arrangements in post-communist countries of Central, South-East and Eastern Europe in the 1990s. It can be said that, in spite of certain delay, Bulgarian multipartism became one of the privileged subjects of that research, similarly to post-communist pluralisms in ...

The Moravist parties are an interesting subject of study for two principal aspects: that of an experiment involving different party and political identities and forms of organisation in the period of transition to pluralist democracy in a post-communist environment, and that of a link between ethno-regional political actors and identitary mobilisation, or a stimulator of a potential nation-building process. Unfortunately, this topic has not yet been given much attention (cf. Musil, Rabušic, Mareš 1991; Daněk 1993; Pernes 1996; Dallago 1999). The purpose of this article is to at least partially fill the gap. Brief as it is, the article cannot cover the problem in its complexity, but to give an overview of the evolution of Moravist parties between 1990 and 1999/2000, to elaborate on some hypotheses explaining the reasons of the spectacular electoral success of the Moravist movement at the beginning, and the fall of its electoral and political potential today. I have based my approach to the above phenomena on the following premises: 1. The Moravist movement has been a legitimate actor on the Czechoslovak and, eventually, Czech political scene, drawing upon sources of political legitimacy which were not better or worse than the sources used by other actors. A different issue is, however, the successful effort of other competitors to delegitimatise the movement. 2. The initial success of the Moravist movement was a product of an extraordinary and unrepeatable combination of heterogeneous factors and issues, with a prevailing role of conjunctural factors. That is the reason why the chance for the Moravist movement to remain a genuine major political actor in the medium and long term was quite minimal, irrespective of the strategy invented and pursued by its leaders. 3. The chance of the Moravist movement to remain a minor, but relevant regional actor in Czech party politics was quite bigger, though. In this respect, the fall of Moravist parties should be explained as a result – even though not exclusively – of ...