Suchergebnisse

The article aims to present the participatory budget in Poland. The core role of this institution can be reduced to accepting responsibility for its surroundings by inhabitants. Hence, their involvement in the budgeting process is essential, and this activity should go beyond traditional public consultation. The analysis of the participatory budget in Poland begins with the presentation of the origin of this institution, the models created over time and a complex process of its design and implementation. The beginnings of the participatory budget in Poland were difficult and exposed almost all the dangers and difficulties that might arise. Starting from 2013, the participatory budget in Poland has ceased to be an isolated phenomenon, gaining increasing popularity over time. It is difficult, however, to decide about its future. On the basis of the collected data and observations, it has to be stated that the participatory budget in Poland still has plenty of shortcomings. The lack of rationality and effectiveness of decision-making, instrumental treatment of the institution, small financial outlays and mistakes in the design and implementation of participatory budgets are some examples of the negligence that decides that the institution cannot bring maximum benefits. Changing the existing state of affairs can only come about as a result of deliberate actions undertaken and carried out by conscious and active civil society.

In the early days of Xi Jinping's rule, Sino-Australian cooperation was successful and benefiting both sides. Establishing a "strategic partnership" and the conclusion of a free trade agreement made it possible to deepen the relationship. In addition to developing economic relations, states actively collaborated on the social and cultural levels. China's growing power has brought new challenges. The increase in spending on armaments and the modernization of the army contributed to the increased military presence of the PRC in the region and the exacerbation of disputes in the South China Sea and the East China Sea, raising tensions in the region. The growing influence of the People's Republic of China in Australia has caused concern for the government, which has started to limit it. Beijing has been critical of Australian law to reduce foreign interference. The purpose of this study is to analyze the Sino-Australian relations in 2013-2018.

When the political camp centred on the Law and Justice party
(PiS) came to power in 2015, it led to a change in priorities in Polish foreign policy. The Three Seas Initiative (TSI), understood as closer cooperation between eastern states of the European Union in the area between the Baltic, Adriatic, and Black seas, has become a new instrument of foreign policy. The initiative demonstrates the growing importance of Central and Eastern Europe in the global game of great powers. The region has become a subject of rivalry, not only between the United States and Russia but also China. Therefore, the main objective of this article is to try to describe the importance of the region to Germany and how Germany's stance on the TSI has evolved. The article consists of three parts, an introduction to the issues, the genesis of the TSI, and the definition of goals set by the states participating in this initiative, as well as analysis of the German stance towards the initiative since its development in 2015. The theories of geopolitics and neorealism are used
as the theoretical basis for the analysis.

The issue of the forms of deciding an administrative case has not yet been analysed in a comprehensive manner. First of all, attention used to be paid to individual forms of deciding on an administrative case, namely: administrative decision, administrative ruling, administrative settlement and deciding an administrative case in a tacit manner. If there were collective generalizations made, they came down to administrative decision and administrative ruling, which are classified as classic administrative acts, while the recent introduction of non-typical forms of deciding an administrative case, i.e. administrative settlement and deciding an administrative case in a tacit manner, makes us re-consider the characteristics of their catalogue; in particular, it should be noted at this point that they constitute a substitute for an administrative decision, which is considered to be a classic administrative act. The evolution of the forms of deciding on an administrative case leads to the conclusion that their relationship with the administrative jurisdiction has ceased to be so obvious. ; Zagadnienie form załatwienia sprawy administracyjnej nie było dotąd analizowane w sposób kompleksowy. Przede wszystkim bowiem zwracano uwagę na poszczególne formy załatwienia sprawy administracyjnej, a mianowicie: decyzję administracyjną, postanowienie administracyjne, ugodę administracyjną i milczące załatwienie sprawy administracyjnej. Jeżeli dochodziło już do zbiorczych uogólnień, to ograniczały się one do decyzji administracyjnej i postanowienia administracyjnego, które zalicza się do klasycznych aktów administracyjnych. Tymczasem wprowadzenie ostatnio nietypowych form załatwienia sprawy administracyjnej, czyli ugody administracyjnej i milczącego załatwienia sprawy administracyjnej, zmusza do ponownej refleksji teoretycznej nad charakterystyką wyróżnionego ich katalogu. W szczególności należy podkreślić, że stanowią one substytut rozstrzygnięcia administracyjnego, za jaki uznaje się klasyczny akt administracyjny. Ewolucja form załatwienia sprawy administracyjnej prowadzi zatem do wniosku, że ich związek z jurysdykcją administracyjną przestaje być oczywisty.

This concise paper explores the intricate relationship between thedynamics of the European Union and Russia's interests in Europe, emphasizingthe advantages perceived by Russia in a weakened EU. The paper is comprisedof three sections: firstly, it examines the collapse of the Soviet Unionand its impact on newly independent states, establishing the geopoliticallandscape. The subsequent section traces Russia's foreign policy leading tothe 2022 conflict with Ukraine, with a focus on Ukraine's pivotal role as a geopoliticalflashpoint. The final section explores the dynamics of the Russia-Ukraine war, specifically addressing the European Union's role in security.The paper concludes by addressing the 2022 escalation, marked by Russia'sfull-scale invasion of Ukraine, highlighting the imperative of understandingUkraine's status as a geopolitical flashpoint. Overall, the paper contributes toa nuanced comprehension of the evolving geopolitical landscape, its implicationsfor regional stability, and international relations.

Reflections on evolving shape of legal regulations concerning local administration in the forty years of People's Poland are subject of the present study. The author examines basic stages in transformations of regulations of people's councils which are the foundation of local administration. Provisions of the temporary statute of people's councils, passed by the National People's Council on January 1, 1944 are the starting point. The next stage is opened by the provisions of 1944-1945 which introduced a dualistic model of local administration based on the patterns of the interwar period (organs of government administration and local self-government) supplemented by the system of peoples councils. The year 1950 brings about an introduction of the Soviet patterns to the system of local administration. On the grounds of those patterns the system has functioned until 1972-1975, although it underwent substantial modifications. Passing the 1958 Act of People's Councils ought to be noted here. Several provisions are introduced in the act in order to preclude centralistic deviations which were observed under the 1950 Act. The transformations of 1972- -1975 can be summarized as combining the Soviet pattern with institutions of government administration of the interwar period (a monocratic organ of local administration with its submitted office, "transplanted" to the system of people's councils. The period succeeding he 1972 - 1975 reforms is the one of recurrent centralizing of administration. Therefore, the Act of July 20, 1983 on the system of people's councils and local self-government has to be interpreted as the reaction on centralistic distortions of the former period. It became a sign of compromise in an animated discussion on the concept of local administration which was under way in the years 1930-1982. The Act is based on the idea of people's democracy, characteristic for a socialist state, with institutional elements of selfgovernment organization. As far as professional organs of administration in the system are concerned, the legislator referred to the solutions of 1972 -1975, but the higher influence in their creation was secured for organs representing citizens. Various conclusions can be drawn from a study of evolving legislation in the People's Poland. It should be noted though that two tendencies came to importance in different periods of time — the one of centralization and the one of decentralization. It was also the case of sear-ching a proper model of local administration for a socialist (State, and — to a lesser extent — traditional Polish solutions were evoked. It also seems that basic changes in the sphere of local administration were carried out too often without proper preparations for the reforms. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The goal of the article is the presentation of the chosen aspects of the evolution of the European Parliament. The author presents the beginnings of this body in the structure of the European Coal and Steel Community, the European Economic Community and the European Atomic Energy Community. The leitmotiv of the article is to show the increase of the importance of the European Parliament during almost 60 years of its existence, from the advisory body to the co-deciding institution in the area of legislation of the European Community. The important manifestation of the European Parliament's aspiration to strengthen its prerogatives was also the struggle to introduce the general election to this body. In the final part of the article the author tries to analyze the current position of the European Parliament in the institutional structure of the European Union.

Background. The paper gives a critical overview of macro-level management efforts to increase energy efficiency in Russia in 1995-2013 with special focus on the shift in goals, methods and approaches. We compare the pace and the trend of evolution of Russian ener- gy efficiency policy with world trends and discuss the effects of policy diffusion on interna- tional and regional levels. Research aim. Using the conceptual framework of an extended energy-efficiency gap, this study investigates the existing barriers to energy efficiency and suggests the possible solu- tions for improvement of energy policy on regional level. Method. We gathered the information for evaluation of effectiveness of current energy policy by empirical research in the form of a mix of medium-scale face-to-face inquiries and semi-structured interviews. Reg findings. The findings reveal that the most common barrier is the lack of expertise and competences to identify the inefficiencies, and opportunities to implement energy efficiency measures needs to be overcome first for further improvement of energy efficiency. The convergence of expertise can happen through horizontal interactions on regional level as well as specially organized training programs at the federal level with the participation of international experts.

Background. The paper gives a critical overview of macro-level management efforts to increase energy efficiency in Russia in 1995-2013 with special focus on the shift in goals, methods and approaches. We compare the pace and the trend of evolution of Russian ener- gy efficiency policy with world trends and discuss the effects of policy diffusion on interna- tional and regional levels. Research aim. Using the conceptual framework of an extended energy-efficiency gap, this study investigates the existing barriers to energy efficiency and suggests the possible solu- tions for improvement of energy policy on regional level. Method. We gathered the information for evaluation of effectiveness of current energy policy by empirical research in the form of a mix of medium-scale face-to-face inquiries and semi-structured interviews. Reg findings. The findings reveal that the most common barrier is the lack of expertise and competences to identify the inefficiencies, and opportunities to implement energy efficiency measures needs to be overcome first for further improvement of energy efficiency. The convergence of expertise can happen through horizontal interactions on regional level as well as specially organized training programs at the federal level with the participation of international experts.

The aim of this article is to outline the process of institutionalization of strategic studies, understood as the essence of contemporary security studies. Article explores the genesis of strategic studies and attempts to determine areas of reflection in this field of knowledge. Strategic studies developed in the half of the 20th century. Its mission was to form a creative synthesis of military, economic and political scientific approaches towards the threat of nuclear war. Crisis of strategic studies took place in the 70s. The end of so called Cold War popularized the issue of security within the non-military context. Therefore, problems analysed by traditional strategic studies evolved. Author's final reflection tries to strenghten Polish potential in developing contemporary security studies.

The article aims to present the participatory budget in Poland. The core role of this institution can be reduced to accepting responsibility for its surroundings by inhabitants. Hence, their involvement in the budgeting process is essential, and this activity should go beyond traditional public consultation. The analysis of the participatory budget in Poland begins with the presentation of the origin of this institution, the models created over time and a complex process of its design and implementation. The beginnings of the participatory budget in Poland were difficult and exposed almost all the dangers and difficulties that might arise. Starting from 2013, the participatory budget in Poland has ceased to be an isolated phenomenon, gaining increasing popularity over time. It is difficult, however, to decide about its future. On the basis of the collected data and observations, it has to be stated that the participatory budget in Poland still has plenty of shortcomings. The lack of rationality and effectiveness of decision-making, instrumental treatment of the institution, small financial outlays and mistakes in the design and implementation of participatory budgets are some examples of the negligence that decides that the institution cannot bring maximum benefits. Changing the existing state of affairs can only come about as a result of deliberate actions undertaken and carried out by conscious and active civil society. ; Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie budżetu partycypacyjnego w Polsce. Istotę tej instytucji można sprowadzić do wzięcia przez mieszkańców na siebie odpowiedzialności za swoje otoczenie. Stąd niezbędny jest ich udział w procesie opracowania budżetu, a aktywność ta powinna wykraczać poza ramy tradycyjnych konsultacji społecznych. Analizę budżetu partycypacyjnego w Polsce rozpoczyna przedstawienie genezy tej instytucji, powstałych z czasem modeli oraz złożonego procesu jej projektowania i wdrażania. Początki budżetu partycypacyjnego w Polsce były trudne i uwidoczniły niemal wszystkie zagrożenia oraz trudności, jakie mogą się pojawić. Począwszy od 2013 r. budżet partycypacyjny w Polsce przestał być zjawiskiem odosobnionym, zyskując z czasem coraz większą popularność. Trudno jednak rozstrzygać o jego przyszłości. Na podstawie zebranych danych i przeprowadzonych obserwacji należy stwierdzić, że budżet partycypacyjny w Polsce nadal odznacza się wieloma mankamentami. Brak racjonalności i efektywności podejmowanych decyzji, instrumentalne traktowanie tej instytucji, niewielkie nakłady finansowe czy błędy w procesie projektowania i wdrażania budżetu partycypacyjnego to niektóre z zaniedbań decydujących o tym, że instytucja ta w Polsce nie może przynosić maksymalnych korzyści. Zmiana istniejącego stanu rzeczy może nastąpić dopiero na skutek celowych działań podejmowanych i prowadzonych przez świadome oraz aktywne społeczeństwo obywatelskie.

The hereby paper undertakes the analysis of the genesis and evolution of the Finland's Parliament Eduskunta from the moment of its establishment till nowadays, including the characteristics of its present constitutional position, being a result of its development during the centuries, with paying special attention to the current normative state and made on the basis of the hitherto constitutional practice. The article aims at deriving the origin and presenting the development of this organ in Finland, which in consequence leads to reliable conclusions in the field of determining its current constitutional position in the system of the supreme state authorities of Finland. The subject of the paper particularly focuses mostly on the analysis of the beginnings of Eduskunta's formation and Finnish parliamentarianism, as well as its further evolution during different periods of its history, i.e. the time when Finland was included into the Kingdom of Sweden, the period when it was incorporated into the Russian Imperium and after it gained independence in 1917. The work also concentrates on the analysis of Eduskunta's current constitutional position, its composition, internal structure, functions and competences presented on the basis of the exegesis of the provisions of the binding Basic Law of 1999 and the Parliament's Rules of Procedure. The constitutional principles referring to the Parliament also seem to be of particular significance in this context, for they contribute to a more precise definition of Eduskunta's constitutional position, as well as to pointing out its originality and dissimilarity regarding parliaments of other contemporary democratic states. ; W niniejszym opracowaniu przeprowadzono analizę genezy i ewolucji parlamentu finlandzkiego – Eduskunty: od chwili jego ustanowienia do czasów współczesnych, w tym – na podstawie dotychczasowej praktyki ustrojowej – dokonano charakterystyki obecnej pozycji ustrojowej tego parlamentu, będącej wynikiem jego rozwoju na przestrzeni wieków, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem aktualnego stanu normatywnego. Artykuł ma na celu ustalenie źródeł powstania oraz przedstawienie rozwoju tego organu w Finlandii, co w konsekwencji prowadzi do wiarygodnych wniosków w zakresie określenia jego obecnej pozycji ustrojowej w systemie naczelnych organów państwowych Finlandii. Przedmiot pracy koncentruje się przede wszystkim na analizie początków Eduskunty i parlamentaryzmu fińskiego, a także dalszej ewolucji Eduskunty w różnych okresach, tj. w czasach, gdy Finlandia była włączona do Królestwa Szwecji, funkcjonowała w obrębie Imperium Rosyjskiego oraz po uzyskaniu przez nią niepodległości w 1917 r. Opracowanie koncentruje się też na analizie obecnej pozycji ustrojowej Eduskunty, jej składu, organizacji wewnętrznej, funkcjach oraz kompetencjach przedstawionych na podstawie egzegezy postanowień obowiązującej ustawy zasadniczej z 1999 r. oraz regulaminu parlamentu. Zasady konstytucyjne odnoszące się do parlamentu również wydają się mieć w tym kontekście szczególne znaczenie, ponieważ przyczyniają się one do dokładniejszego zdeterminowania pozycji ustrojowej Eduskunty, a także wskazują na jej oryginalność i odmienność w stosunku do parlamentów innych współczesnych państw demokratycznych.