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The article describes and analyzes in detail the state evolution mechanism. The authors show that many different theories and doctrines, various schemes for typologizing the evolutionary forms of the state have been developed over the long history of the existence of legal, philosophical and political sciences. The work content includes the discussion of the difficulties of developing rigorous theories of the evolution of state forms associated with the complexity and ambiguity of particular historical processes of state formation and development.The authors distinguish and consider the evolutionary features of the modern state, justify that the modern state as a historical type possesses a number of features that are not inherent (or inherent only in part) in both the traditional and the proto-modern state, which form its evolutionary features, specificity of functioning and evolutionary transformation. In addition, the article identifies and analyzes four main innovative stages in the political and legal institutionalization of modern political domination: civil state, rule-of-law state, democratic rule-of-law state and social rule-of-law state.

This article proposes an interpretation of the armed conflict from an evolutionary view that takes into account the concept of private protection agencies in the works of Schelling / Nozick / Gambetta. Its aim is also to assess the dynamics of conflict and changes from the author's scientific output. A context of conflicts that includes new expressions of violence and the relative failure of the paramilitary reintegration involves using new analytical models (argumentation, game theory and inconsistent information). The recent evolution of emerging bands and their expansion into areas that were paramilitary camps requires monitoring not only by the government and authorities, but also from those researching the conflict in its current phase. The author proposes a heuristic research support from Schelling's theory of strategy, Nozick's protection agencies, and Gambetta's recent contributions on the relationshi p between organized crime and drug cartels. ; Este artículo propone una lectura del conflicto armado desde una concepción evolutiva que toma en cuenta el concepto de agencias de protección privada en las obras de Schelling/Nozick/Gambetta. Su objetivo también es evaluar la dinámica y los cambios del conflicto desde la propia producción científica del autor. Un contexto de conflictos que comprende nuevas expresiones de violencia y el fracaso relativo de la reinserción paramilitar, supone emplear nuevos modelos analíticos (argumentación, teoría de juegos e información inconsistente). La evolución reciente de las bandas emergentes y su expansión territorial en zonas que fueron campamentos paramilitares, requiere un seguimiento no sólo del gobierno y las autoridades, sino de quienes investigan el conflicto en su presente fase. El autor propone una heurística de apoyo a la investigación desde la teoría de la estrategia de Schelling, las agencias de protección de Nozick y los aportes recientes de Gambetta sobre las relaciones entre el crimen organizado y los carteles de las drogas.

A lei ambiental internacional é um conjunto de regras e regulamentos do direito internacional que regem as relações entre seguidores e atores do direito internacional, incluindo leis governamentais e não- governamentais para proteger o meio ambiente, e é um campo emergente cujo ponto de virada foi a Conferência de Estocolmo em 1972. Desde então, este campo sofreu muitas mudanças e os advogados dividiram a evolução da estrada em três etapas: a conferência de 1972, a Conferência do Rio em 1992 e a Conferência da Rio + 20; Esses desenvolvimentos são principalmente focados em questões como o desenvolvimento de medidas preventivas, a ampliação das garantias de compromissos ambientais dos governos, o ajuste dos governos e a redução do princípio da soberania nacional. No entanto, o processo tem enfrentado obstáculos e limitações, como falta de recursos financeiros, questões ambientais e preferências e governança nacionais. Instituições internacionais fortes e eficientes, com a competência e capacidade necessárias para avançar objetivos am

Introducción: This article provides a historical interpretation of Catholic social economy (also called Social Catholicism) in an attempt to give a Christian form to capitalism. The aim of this writing is to reflect on the evolution of Catholic economic thought and to offer some foreseeable development in light of the experience that characterized the early stages of this movement. By Catholic social economy, the author does not mean the social doctrine of the church, but the whole set of scientific work of Catholic scholars, with their different orientations and acceptance by the official documents of the holy soil. Roman Catholicism is the only religion that has produced wide and continuous scientific research about political economy. This should not be considered an anomaly, because the positivistic attitude of modern economics tends to crowd out the classic unitary view of man and of a good life that characterizes Catholic anthropology. As a consequence, it can be considered an attempt to address scientific research in a way compatible to the Catholic view of the "social nature of man", and not an attempt to resist or to contrast the role of science. The fundamental concepts of this stream of research have been the idea of natural law intended as a moral order (vs. the equilibrium of conflicting strategies), the social nature of man (vs. individualism and individual autonomy) and the role that charity and justice assume for individual behaviour inspired by the common good (vs. freedom and laissez faire).

This paper is based on the idea that the constitutional evolution of Peru designates a "process" in which happend gradually was consolidated an alteration in the structure of political and social relations that developed in our territory as a result of his inflection , or regulation based on constitutional texts or legal documents that served as such. ; En este trabajo se parte de la idea de que la evolución constitucional del Perú designa un "proceso" en cuyo acaecer, paulatinamente, se fue consolidando una alteración en la estructura de las relaciones políticas y sociales que se desarrollaron en nuestro territorio, como consecuencia de su regulación –o inflexión– basada en textos constitucionales o por documentos jurídicos que hacían las veces de tales.

In recent years, both a theory and a practice of "transitional justice" have taken hold in democratizing contexts worldwide. As an organized and systematic set of beliefs and a way of ordering individual, group and state behavior according to those beliefs and practices, it can be characterized as a "culture," one which has diffused transnationally via a variety of vectors, such as human rights NGOs, international lawyers, international criminal tribunals, and the media. This culture has been overtly didactic: it offers templates, normative guidance and a veritable database of national experiences to bolster the contention that transition to democracy requires a public accounting of the crimes of the past authoritarian regime. An interesting wrinkle in this story of one-way diffusion is provided by the experiences of countries which have defied or contradicted this master narrative, either by managing their democratic transitions and their consolidations through amnesties and pacts (Chile and Spain), or by reversing processes of transitional justice in response to untenable instability (Argentina). But the wrinkle deepens when we consider that all three of these countries have experienced, at different moments and to varying degrees, a return to transitional justice practices and debates at a later date, often years into consolidation. Was this the result of the increased projection of transnationalized "transitional justice culture," responsible for a "revolution" in expectations underscored by the Pinochet arrest in 1998 and the Milosevic trials a few years later? Or are there more compelling "evolutionary" domestic-level explanations? This paper explores the competing hypotheses, analyzes the precepts and ideological contradictions of "transitional justice culture," and contends that a key dyad connecting the revolutionary and evolutionary dynamics at work in the spread of anti-impunity norms across borders is formed by victims' groups and national courts. Both have been the targeted reception sites for trasnationalized norms, and they have served as potential nodes of transformation for their respective national legal cultures. By suggesting that universalizing revolution is channeled, tempered and ultimately transformed by particularlized evolution, this paper argues for a more nuanced, multi-dimensional approach to transitional justice politics, at once highly globalized and yet not in the least homogeneous. ; Peer reviewed

One of the terms used to describe many Non Profit Organizations is Non Governmental Organization (NGO). Perhaps on account of the recent emergence of the field of Non Governmental Organizations, a multitude of generic terms are used to describe heterogeneous organizations. This imprecise usage often impedes the understanding of what the term NGOs means, and how it should be applied.The term "NGOs" is habitually used by multilateral entities, bilateral entities, private organizations and in all countries around de world. We can ask ourselves: What does the term Non Governmental Organizations mean? How was this term derived? How has this term, NGOs been developed? While the use of generic terms can be valid under certain circumstances, their use can also entail serious problems when used in certain fields of study or research. It is impossible to analyze a phenomenon or to establish a research methodology and reach reasonable conclusions if the factors that the terminology implies are not clearly defined, in terms of both their internal structure and their effects. In this essay I will examine the origin, development and meaning of the term Non Governmental Organization from XIX Century to 1990 decade and whether it is accurately used in the different fields in which it is commonly applied today. First, the origin of the term NGOs will be analyzed. Second, the use of this term in the world and, finally its various usage of meaning according to different organizations or countries.

This article shows most important history's backgrounds for Criminal Militar Justice and how that backgrounds gave support to Criminal Militar Regulations, and it also shows previousWar Council or Marcial Court Structure, it's jurisdiction, crimes and people qere covered by that jurisdiction, and at the end a review and conclutions of most important laws of precedents about this subject. ; El presente artículo muestra un recuento de los antecedentes históricos más relevantes, que dieron origen y sustento al régimen penal militar actual, donde se observa cómo estaba conformado un Consejo de Guerra o Corte Marcial, cuál era su campo de aplicación, qué delitos y personas eran sometidas a su conocimiento y cual su procedimiento, para terminar con un recuento de las principales posiciones jurisprudenciales relacionadas con este tema.

This article shows most important history's backgrounds for Criminal Militar Justice and how that backgrounds gave support to Criminal Militar Regulations, and it also shows previousWar Council or Marcial Court Structure, it's jurisdiction, crimes and people qere covered by that jurisdiction, and at the end a review and conclutions of most important laws of precedents about this subject. ; El presente artículo muestra un recuento de los antecedentes históricos más relevantes, que dieron origen y sustento al régimen penal militar actual, donde se observa cómo estaba conformado un Consejo de Guerra o Corte Marcial, cuál era su campo de aplicación, qué delitos y personas eran sometidas a su conocimiento y cual su procedimiento, para terminar con un recuento de las principales posiciones jurisprudenciales relacionadas con este tema.

The evolution of the political and economic landscape in the world in recent years has made European Union "rediscover" Latin America as a partner with future potential. This interest has converged with Mexico's aspirations to activate its international policy and strengthen relations with Europe. Another aspect of this renewed interest is an attempt at balancing the weakening NAFTA and also, in a broader context, it can be included in the strategy of building alliances especially economic ones in extra-American areas. For the first time, both parties – the EU and Mexico – are showing a deep interest in intensifying mutual contacts, refreshing their formulas and giving them a new meaning. The article below is aimed at discussing the EU – Mexico relations, both contemporary and historical ones, their specificity, importance and possibilities of further development.ResumenLa evolución del panorama político y económico del mundo en los últimos años le ha permitido a la Unión Europea "redescubrir" América Latina como un posible socio. Este interés coincide con las aspiraciones que tiene México de activar la política internacional y profundizar las relaciones con Europa. Podemos considerarlas como un intento de compensar el debilitamiento del NAFTA, así como, en un contexto más amplio, inscribirlas en la estrategia de construcción de alianzas, especialmente económicas, en áreas fuera de las Américas. Por primera vez desde hace mucho tiempo las ambas partes, la UE y México, manifiestan un profundo interés en la reactivación de sus contactos mutuos, la renovación de su fórmula y una nueva orientación de estas relaciones. El presente artículo se propone comentar las relaciones entre la Unión Europea y México, tanto contemporáneas como pasadas, su especificidad, su carácter y qué oportunidades existen para su mayor desarrollo.

For the past several years, Mexico has experienced vast transitions which have had an effect on the state of health and the form in which its inhabitants are adecuately care for. The transitions —demographic, epidemiological, cultural/educational, economic, social, political— show us how changes in the area of health come about. These can be grouped into two categories: (1) a new look at health care and (2) the accelerated progress in biomedical investigation. With regard to health care, the changes are directed towards a preventative emphasis rather than a curative one. This leads us to structural and functional redefinitions of health services. The government, since the past century, has put several experiments into practice (for the purpose of protecting vulnerable groups) by establishing institutions that have served as a foundation for the National Health System. These efforts intend to offer to everyone equal opportunities for the enjoyment of health. The second category shows the accelerated pace of biomedical research and its resulting beneficial achievements. It is now possible to offer better attention with more specific diagnosis and more efficient therapeutic measures. Key words: health systems, health investigationSolicitud de sobretiros: Dr. Guillermo Soberón, Fundación Mexicana para La Salud, Av. Contreras 516-2, San Jerónimo Lídice, 10200 México, D.F. ; Desde hacer varios años, México experimenta una profunda transición en varios campos, la cual ha repercutido estado de salud y en la respuesta social organizada a los problemas de salud Las transiciones —demográfica, epidemiológica, cultural y educativa, económica, social y política— nos muestran los cambios que se han dado en el campo de la salud mismos que pueden agruparse en dos vertientes: un nuevo enfoque para el cuidado la salud y un acelerado progreso de la investigación biomédica. Son precisamente estos cambios los que se discuten en el presente trabajo.

The four former mayors who were once leaders of the Green party in Colombia were obliged to discuss environmental affairs in all regions in this country during the course of their presidential campaigns and to turn them into campaign promises, in light of Colombia's current situation. The nation faces environmental problems that deteriorate people's quality of life. The political agenda of any government today must give high priority to these issues, taking into account population growth, people's predatory actions, and the apathy of regional autonomous environmental agencies which, as administrative authorities, lost control of natural resources due to politicization and corruption, evident in the form of payments in return for unsupervised licenses or permits to pillage. Noneof the candidates gave impressive green speeches, but rather got themselves entangled with their fickleness and isolated many people thanks to others' intrigues. Bipartisanship, coalition, abstentionism, second round, electoral potential, Uribism, cultural diversity, political class, democracy, environmentalists, elections. ; Los cuatro ex alcaldes que lideraban el partido Verde en Colombia se vieron abocados a ventilar los asuntos ambientales en todas las regiones del país durante su carrera por la presidencia y a convertirlos en promesa de campaña, dada la situación de Colombia, atravesada por problemas ambientales que deterioran la calidad de vida de sus habitantes, y porque hoy la agenda de cualquier gobierno tiene que atender prioritariamente dichos asuntos ante el crecimiento de la población, los actos depredadores de las personas y la abulia administrativa de las corporaciones autónomas regionales, las cuales, como autoridades administrativas, perdieron el control de los recursos naturales debido a su politización y a la corrupción, evidenciada en los cobros por las licencias para dejar hacer y para depredar. Ninguno de ellos hizo gala de discurso verde alguno, más bien se enredaron en veleidades y aislaron a muchos gracias a las intrigas de otros.

The four former mayors who were once leaders of the Green party in Colombia were obliged to discuss environmental affairs in all regions in this country during the course of their presidential campaigns and to turn them into campaign promises, in light of Colombia's current situation. The nation faces environmental problems that deteriorate people's quality of life. The political agenda of any government today must give high priority to these issues, taking into account population growth, people's predatory actions, and the apathy of regional autonomous environmental agencies which, as administrative authorities, lost control of natural resources due to politicization and corruption, evident in the form of payments in return for unsupervised licenses or permits to pillage. Noneof the candidates gave impressive green speeches, but rather got themselves entangled with their fickleness and isolated many people thanks to others' intrigues. Bipartisanship, coalition, abstentionism, second round, electoral potential, Uribism, cultural diversity, political class, democracy, environmentalists, elections. ; Los cuatro ex alcaldes que lideraban el partido Verde en Colombia se vieron abocados a ventilar los asuntos ambientales en todas las regiones del país durante su carrera por la presidencia y a convertirlos en promesa de campaña, dada la situación de Colombia, atravesada por problemas ambientales que deterioran la calidad de vida de sus habitantes, y porque hoy la agenda de cualquier gobierno tiene que atender prioritariamente dichos asuntos ante el crecimiento de la población, los actos depredadores de las personas y la abulia administrativa de las corporaciones autónomas regionales, las cuales, como autoridades administrativas, perdieron el control de los recursos naturales debido a su politización y a la corrupción, evidenciada en los cobros por las licencias para dejar hacer y para depredar. Ninguno de ellos hizo gala de discurso verde alguno, más bien se enredaron en veleidades y aislaron a muchos gracias a las intrigas de otros.

The present article starts with a quantitative remark of the elevated Colombian expense in defense, one of the highest worldwide in percentage of the GNP. What greatly worries is that most of such expenditure is addressed to the payment of retirement wages in the armed forces, becoming the number one budgeted institution in the country given the excessive increase in troops, a fact that ranks Colombia as the Latin-American country with the second largest army after Brazil. There would be, then, a difference between military success (effectiveness) and increase in troops, since according to government's numbers, the guerillas should be practically terminated, not being the real fact. Two possible explanations for this difference exist: first, demobilization of the paramilitary groups, whose action and combatants reinforced the duty of the military forces; and second, the evidence of extra judiciary executions and the making of false positive hits, all of which would be inflating the figures that intend to show the effectiveness of military actions. ; Este artículo parte de una observación cuantitativa del elevado gasto colombiano en defensa, uno de los más grandes del mundo en su relación porcentual con el PIB. Lo que más preocupa es que gran parte del gasto se destina al pago del pasivo pensional en el sector defensa, el cual resulta ser el más elevado del país dado el desmesurado aumento en el pie de fuerza, un hecho que ubica a Colombia como el segundo país latinoamericano, después de Brasil, con el ejército más grande. Habría, entonces, un desfase entre éxito militar (efectividad) y aumento de pie de fuerza, ya que según las cifras del gobierno, la guerrilla debería estar prácticamente terminada, pero no es el caso. Existen dos posibles explicaciones para este desfase: primera, la desmovilización de los grupos paramilitares, cuya acción y pie de fuerza reforzaba la tarea de las Fuerzas Militares; y segunda, la evidencia de ejecuciones extrajudiciales y la fabricación de falsos positivos, lo cual estaría infl ando las cifras que pretenden mostrar la efectividad de las acciones militares.

The present article starts with a quantitative remark of the elevated Colombian expense in defense, one of the highest worldwide in percentage of the GNP. What greatly worries is that most of such expenditure is addressed to the payment of retirement wages in the armed forces, becoming the number one budgeted institution in the country given the excessive increase in troops, a fact that ranks Colombia as the Latin-American country with the second largest army after Brazil. There would be, then, a difference between military success (effectiveness) and increase in troops, since according to government's numbers, the guerillas should be practically terminated, not being the real fact. Two possible explanations for this difference exist: first, demobilization of the paramilitary groups, whose action and combatants reinforced the duty of the military forces; and second, the evidence of extra judiciary executions and the making of false positive hits, all of which would be inflating the figures that intend to show the effectiveness of military actions. ; Este artículo parte de una observación cuantitativa del elevado gasto colombiano en defensa, uno de los más grandes del mundo en su relación porcentual con el PIB. Lo que más preocupa es que gran parte del gasto se destina al pago del pasivo pensional en el sector defensa, el cual resulta ser el más elevado del país dado el desmesurado aumento en el pie de fuerza, un hecho que ubica a Colombia como el segundo país latinoamericano, después de Brasil, con el ejército más grande. Habría, entonces, un desfase entre éxito militar (efectividad) y aumento de pie de fuerza, ya que según las cifras del gobierno, la guerrilla debería estar prácticamente terminada, pero no es el caso. Existen dos posibles explicaciones para este desfase: primera, la desmovilización de los grupos paramilitares, cuya acción y pie de fuerza reforzaba la tarea de las Fuerzas Militares; y segunda, la evidencia de ejecuciones extrajudiciales y la fabricación de falsos positivos, lo cual estaría infl ando las cifras que pretenden mostrar la efectividad de las acciones militares.