In May 2004 the political systems of Czechia & Slovakia became part of the European Union. At the constitutional level the consolidation of both countries has significantly progressed. In both countries the intermediate system is being consolidated, with the sole exception of the unstable Slovakian party system. The attitude of informal political actors as well as the general populations is not yet consolidated. However, regression of the consolidation process appears to be unlikely in Slovakia, & barely possible in Czechia. At the same time, it cannot be ruled out that in the long term the transition process in one of these countries (or even in both) will stall on a low consolidation level. 98 References. Adapted from the source document.
The author analyses the impact of exercising the right to access to information & respecting of transparency for the prevention of corruption in the EU institutions. These two issues are the key principles of good governance & basic prerequisites for democratic participation, allowing citizens to effectively protect their fundamental rights & liberties through public scrutiny. The EU standards are assessed by comparison with the internationally recognized standards, & five indicators have been used: the scope of the right to access, the scope of exceptions, the administrative & appeal procedure, the protection of whistleblowers, administration performance openness & political will. The author wonders if the adopted regulations & rules of procedure are strict enough to prevent emergence of corruption & maladministration in the EU institutions. References. Adapted from the source document.
It is with good reason that decisionism stresses the crucial importance of decisions in the political process. But it is necessary to evaluate critically its dramatic pretension (from Schmitt to Agamben), according to which the normality of life is juxtaposed with the pathos of the state of exception & crisis. This erases not only every distinction between normality & the state of exception, but even between democracy & dictatorship. The proper framework from which an explanation of decisionism & its dramatizing forms can be derived is the modern age as a whole. The birth of decisionism from the crisis of tradition & commonality can be observed already in the beginning of modernity: with Machiavelli & Hobbes. We find the peak of dramatisation in Schmitt's decisionism, in the use of political theology for the dramatization of politics as drama of the subject which obtains his self-willed freedom through a secularist disempowerment of God. The other strand of political philosophy advocates the political priority of discussion & discourse, as opposed to the priority of decision. The author is interested in forms of discourse which revolve in a Habermasian or Rawlsian way around the concept of deliberative democracy. The theories of deliberative democracy are mostly characterized by the following postulates: demand for equality & inclusion, for non-coercion & communicativeness, oriented towards mutual understanding. The author points out that these demands reflect too great expectations, which cannot be fulfilled by discourse & discussion (expectations of consensus & rationality, underestimating of pre-discursive assumptions). In the final section, the author concludes that both decisionism & theory of discourse resulted from the modern-age loss of tradition & commonality. Decision & discussion could be perceived as feuding brothers, although they are doing their best to negate their kinship. A mediation of opposition is possible insofar as the feuding brothers recognize the fact that they are related. Unification at least protects them from the danger of irrationalism & excessive expectation of rationalism. Adapted from the source document.
Although the representation of women in national parliaments has been on the increase since World War Two, the number of women in assemblies has yet to reach 20 percent. The parliaments in which women participate with 30 or 40 percent are most viewed as laudable exceptions rather than (as yet) the unattained objective. The reasons lie in the specific gender obstacles ie., political, socio-economic & socio-cultural factors affecting the entry of women into parliaments. This paper deals with these factors & the consequences of a stronger female representation for the political system & the society on the whole. The author concludes that besides satisfying the ideal of justice the increased share of women in national parliaments may improve the position of women in the society & also strengthen the trust of both women & men in representative institutions. Tables, Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.
Although the representation of women in national parliaments has been on the increase since World War Two, the number of women in assemblies has yet to reach 20 percent. The parliaments in which women participate with 30 or 40 percent are most viewed as laudable exceptions rather than (as yet) the unattained objective. The reasons lie in the specific gender obstacles ie., political, socio-economic & socio-cultural factors affecting the entry of women into parliaments. This paper deals with these factors & the consequences of a stronger female representation for the political system & the society on the whole. The author concludes that besides satisfying the ideal of justice the increased share of women in national parliaments may improve the position of women in the society & also strengthen the trust of both women & men in representative institutions. Tables, Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.
Different parts of state territory on land, sea, & in the airspace are explained first. The concept of territorial sovereignty is envisaged through principles of its all-inclusiveness & its exclusivity, subject to many exceptions & restrictions imposed either by rules of general international law or by specific treaty obligations that can be assumed by a state. The concept of state servitudes was not assimilated in the practice of international courts & tribunals. Besides, it can be the cause of some misconceptions & confusion in public international law. Within the explanation of territorial boundaries are discussed the so-called natural boundaries -- such as rivers, lakes, & mountain boundaries -- as well as the artificial boundaries. An explanation of the principle of uti possidetis, of procedures of fixing boundaries, & of special legal scope of boundary treaties in international law is offered in conclusion. Adapted from the source document.
The author looks into the structure & explanation of the socioeconomic expectations of young people regarding Croatia's future drawing on the theoretical framework & operational model of historical consciousness & on findings of a 1995 international study of 27 European countries & a replication of the study in Croatia in 2000. The findings show that the structure of such expectations may be explained by a universal factor of sociopolitical pessimistic/optimistic expectations of Croatia's future. This structure is in line with the expectations of young people from other European states concerning the future of their respective countries. Unlike in other European states, the Croatian youth in 1995 were optimistic in their socioeconomic assessments. The same conclusion was reached in 2000, the only exception being the pupils of Serbian extraction from the Danube region; this group represents the most pessimistic group at both levels of comparison. The perceptions of the present can account for 8%-20% of the variance of the variable of the expectations of young people. There is a significant decrease in the predictive power of the ethnic-religious value orientation, while the influence of attributing material differences to injustice in the society is constant. Concerning interethnic differences in the Danube region, it seems that the opposite expectations are partly due to the identical ideological ethnocentric pattern, indicative of the perpetuation of the attitudes generated during the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia. The notions of the past can explain 12%-13% of the variant of the criterion variable. In most samples, the best single predictor is the critical attitude toward democracy as a historical product, with the exception of the pupils of Serbian extraction in the Danube region; together with other predictors, this indicates that the expectations about Croatia's future of these youth are not based on the perception of democratic processes. Also, they reflect a lower level of confidence in the democratic institutions of the Republic of Croatia. 4 Tables, 2 Figures, 16 References. Adapted from the source document.
One of the focuses of the study of parties at the end of the 20th century has been the organizational structure & the relations within political parties, including the nominating procedures for the selection of candidates for general elections. The manner in which parties fulfill their recruiting function &, eventually, the quality of the political & the governing elite in a "party" state directly depends on these procedures. Typologically there are differences between the nominating procedures in the US (regulated by federal laws) & those in European political parties (regulated by party documents). The author describes major forms of American pre-elections & European procedures for candidates' selection. She analyzes the nominating procedures in the Croatian legislation & the statutes of Croatian parliamentary parties. Her conclusion is that the laws on parties & the selection of candidates are entirely left to the parties whose statutes without exception envisage very centralized, exclusive & nondemocratic procedures of candidates' selection. 1 Table, 25 References. Adapted from the source document.
Croatia, together with some 30 countries, is waiting to be admitted into the World Trade Organization. Membership in the WTO is the first step in membership in CEFTA & one of the overture steps in joining the European Union. Apart from the undeniable benefits that WTO membership brings, there are numerous pitfalls & sacrifices facing Croatia, which at the beginning may have a detrimental effect on some sectors of economy. Among the sectors most vulnerable to global competition is that of agriculture & food production. Its position on the local market will be significantly weakened, since it is uncompetitive even at the present level of protective tariffs. The central issue in the negotiations for admitting a country or a group of countries into this organization are protective tariffs in this sector. There is no doubt that Croatia will have to reduce these protective measures to the level required by the WTO. What is that going to mean for Croatian agriculture? To what extent is Croatian agriculture (un)prepared to meet these demands? What are the possible consequences in light of the strategic importance of agriculture for any country, Croatia being no exception? 1 Table, 18 References. Adapted from the source document.
The ownership structure is one of the determining factors in the development of all agricultures; Croatia's is not an exception to this rule. In the long run, the ownership structure is undoubtedly going to determine the direction of the development of the market-oriented Croatian agriculture. The process of building the ownership structure appropriate to the market economy is neither simple not fast, let alone cheap. An overnight change in the ownership structure is neither possible nor prudent. The existing ownership structure of Croatian agriculture is the result of a century & a half long historical development. Socioeconomic & political factors exerted a strong influence on the process of the ownership structure's formation. Today Croatia has an "atomized" estate of only 2.9 hectares. A century ago the average size of estates was 8 hectares. This fragmentation is a direct result of the agrarian reform & colonization in the second Yugoslavia when the land maximum was reduced to 10 hectares. The existing -- very unfavorable structure -- should be in the transitional period gradually adapted to the family economy as the basis of future development, which will be market-oriented, cost-effective, & profitable. 3 Tables, 23 References. Adapted from the source document.
This work presents the results of empirical research on the relation among authoritarianism, political worldview, & party choice. Based on the existing research, the starting assumption is that authoritarianism is largely typical for the electoral body of the "right-wing" parties as well as for the conservative worldview. The specially designed scale for measuring authoritarian/conformist tendencies has shown a marked mono-dimensionality & inner consistency. The findings have confirmed the initial assumption; they have also shown a relatively regular correspondence between a party's position on the "Left-Right" spectrum & the degree of authoritarianism of its electoral body. The sole exception is a higher degree of authoritarianism of HDZ's electoral body than that of HSP's, which may be explained by the fact that the applied scale has measured solely the attitude towards authority & conformity & not the attitude towards minority groups, which is a component of the famous "F" scale. Also, it has been shown that the voters of the so-called "modernist" worldviews (liberal, social-democratic) are significantly less authoritarian than the voters of the so-called "conservative" worldviews (democratic-Christian, Christian-socialist, traditional, or conservative). 10 Tables, 2 Figures, 20 References. Adapted from the source document.
Each election year in Croatia is an occasion for comparing the social guidelines & the practice. To what extent is the policy of gender equality applied to the participation of women in political decision-making at the parliamentary level in Croatia? Modest results are not an exception: almost in all countries there is the gap between the two. Nevertheless, the extent of the participation in older democratic countries is on the average somewhat higher, which can be attributed to the influence of the egalitarian concept of gender roles & the proportional electoral system. In younger democratic countries, including Croatia, the average is somewhat lower due to the significance of socio-economic factors. In some countries a higher level of participation can for the time being be achieved only via the mechanisms of affirmative action i.e. quotas. Therefore, for Croatia it is essential to achieve the "critical mass" of women in its parliament, which can be brought about by introducing quotas at the party level, by democratic selective procedures of nominating candidates, & by putting up candidates of both genders on the party lists, which means that the highest percentages of women in the parliament can be expected from modern parties promoting the deliberate regulation of the above processes. References. Adapted from the source document.
The author takes issue with the quasi-scientific ideological manifesto that M. Kasapovic presented to the political-science community in her "revisionist text," as she herself characterized it, entitled "Leaving the Plural? The End of Internal Colonisation of Croatian Political Science?" (2007). "Leaving the Plural?" is the introductory & pivotal text in a collection encompassing works by a group of political scientists, which proffers a peculiar view on "the history & state of Croatian political science." In the first part of this article, published in the 2009 issue of Annals of the Croatian Political Science Association, the author's minute analysis unequivocally demonstrated that M. Kasapovic's belligerent manifesto, which does not meet even the minimal professional standards, is an arrogant amalgam of inequity & incomprehension, as well as an implacable attack on the Faculty of Political Science, its professors & its entire history. Here in the second part of the article the author first provides a brief review of a text which is part of M. Kasapovic's recent scientific production, with the aim of showing that the failure to meet the requirements of standard political-science discourse in "Leaving the Plural?" was not an exception. In the final section, the author reflects on the meaning & purpose of the accusations & personal slander contained in M. Kasapovic's defamatory text "Drifting Duo" (2008). In his judgment, the latter text disregards the basic rules of academic communication & is in itself a barbarization of Croatian political science. Adapted from the source document.
More than a decade has passed since the momentous events of 1989 that changed the world order & redefined the geopolitics of Central Europe. This is the right moment to assess the results of these changes & discuss the future of that region. A review of past & contemporary comparative studies indicates Central Europe differs from the postcommunist East (the former Soviet Union) & the Southeast (the former Yugoslavia with the exception of Slovenia) & Albania in several ways: (1) The Central European states overthrew their communist regimes earlier & in a more decisive manner than the USSR. (2) The economic transformation of Central Europe, though not completely smooth, is nevertheless much smoother than the transformation of the member countries of the CIS. (3) The postcommunist societies differ in the pattern by which their systems of social stratification changed after the collapse of their communist regimes. (4) There are big differences between the Central European postcommunist states, including the Baltic states on the one hand, & the CIS members & Yugoslavia on the other, regarding their international orientation. The author highlights three significant events that are going to leave their trace on the regional geostrategic situation: NATO's eastern expansion, NATO's campaign against SRY, & the election of Vladimir Putin as President of Russia. The regional geopolitical picture may become more stable with closer ties between the states of Central Europe & Germany. Adapted from the source document.
The author devotes the first portion of the article to an analysis of several modern 'two-house' parliamentary systems, & shows the factors influencing their formation in federal & unitary states. An analysis of the relationship between the two houses in some political system leads to the conclusion that this system has considerable influence in federal countries (with the exception of Austria), while there is considerably less influence on unitary states -- where the role of the first house is considerably greater than that of the second in law-making & executive functions. The second portion of the article is an analysis of the relationship between the Representatives' House and House of Counties in the Croatian parliament. Although a two-house system by definition, it lacks equality between the two houses in the law-making process & their stances toward the executive. They each have different powers, their members are elected in different ways, & their relationship with the executive differs. This parliament can be characterized as an asymmetrical two-house parliamentary system. Although the House of Counties can initiate laws, it cannot by law, pass laws. Thus, the House of Counties is seen as an advisory body &, in some degree, a supervisory body with the right of veto, & as a house through which regional interests are articulated & represented. Although the real center of power is in the hands of the state & the president, & not in the parliament -- since the Croatian political system is based on a concept of imbalance favoring the executive -- the new Parliament is the real framework for fundamental & long-term political, economic, & institutional transformation in Croatia, as seen by the intensive legislative, supervisory, & legitimation functions of the past two years. 5 Tables. Adapted from the source document.
