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Women have been serving in the military in steadily increasing numbers for decades. Nevertheless, the military remains one of the few areas in which the U.S. government decides what roles are open to women based on de jure exclusions. This Article examines the law governing de jure classification, noting that a mere normative belief about women's proper place in society is an insufficient basis to justify a sex-based exclusion. It then probes the most common rationale advanced in support of the continued de jure exclusion of women: physical strength. The Article examines four problems with the physical strength rationale: (1) stereotyping – the assumption that no woman can do the job without testing the abilities of the individual woman; (2) differential training – the failure to account for the potential for improvement for women who often have less prior physical activity; (3) trait selection – measuring only tasks that are perceived to be difficult for women, while ignoring equally mission critical tasks that women may be better at performing; and (4) task definition – not considering if there are other ways to get the job done. Each of these problems reveals a distortion based on an underlying normative belief that the military should be a male realm. It is this belief, not the reality of physical strength, that motivates the de jure exclusion, the very type of justification forbidden by law, and detrimental to women, men, and the military mission.

I first discuss reasons for feminists to attend to the role of women in the military, despite past emphasis on antimilitarism. I then focus on the exclusion of women from combat duty, reviewing its sanction by the U.S. Supreme Court and the history of its adoption. I present arguments favoring the exclusion, defending strong replies to each, and demonstrate that reasoning from related cases and feminist analyses of equality explain why exclusion remains entrenched.

Abstract
Only one fourth of Jordanian women entitled to property inheritance receive it fully. The main reason is that land and property are not formally registered. But this is also due to several strategies to exclude women from inheritance. Social pressure is translated into the "exclusion" (takhāruj) of inheritance rights. This is linked to social norms in favour of male property.

Women and various groups of vulnerable minorities (i.e. indigenous peoples) are major stakeholders in food systems. They are under-represented in decision-making bodies and are not properly considered in various policies and interventions. Exclusion of these people in the design and implementation of public/private policies, development and economic programmes is a source of under-performance and conflicts in food systems and societies.

In the decade of the 1970s there will be an increase in the number and percent of women in the United States military. Trends indicate that this rise will move steadily but gradually from less than 2 percent women in the armed services to approximately 4 percent. Although the number and percent of women in uniform will remain small, their increase will assist in meeting the expected "short fall" in manpower. The trend to expand the number of women in the military will continue in the 1980s, but it seems unlikely that a 10-percent level, which could be considered possible, will be reached. Historically in industrialized countries women have been excluded from armed combat roles and significant positions in administration. They have served as nurses, secretaries, and clerks and in routine types of communications. Each service has made plans and proposals to increase the number of women and the variety of jobs open to them and to deal with other expressed dissatisfactions, such as living quarters and regulations related to the retention of the careers of married women. Additional problems of protocol between the sexes and the integration of women in the military will have to be faced. Although it is likely that the military will continue its tradition of excluding women from direct combat positions, with an increased emphasis on deterrence there will be an increase in the number of positions in which the "fighting spirit" is irrelevant, many of which will become available to women.

Simone Askew: West Point cadet leader -- Queen Elizabeth I: good Queen Bess -- Krystyna Skarbek: legendary spy -- Elsie Ott: air evacuation pioneer -- Harriet Tubman: a spy for the Union Army -- Lori J. Robinson: highest-ranking woman -- Cathay Williams: soldier in disguise -- Ann E. Dunwoody: first US Army four-star general -- Joan of Arc: French heroine and saint -- Grace Hopper: Amazing grace -- Queen Boudicca: British folk hero -- Patricia Horoho: nurse hero and Army Surgeon General -- Out of the shadows -- Glossary -- About the author.

In today's democracies, disempowered group members are no longer formally barred from the political arena. However, there is a concern that the historical memory of political inequality and exclusion remains as internalized cognitive dispositions, shaping behavior even after laws are changed. Focusing on the legacy of women's political exclusion from the public sphere, I consider whether internal exclusions undermine women's ability to influence political discourse even under conditions of formal political equality. All else being equal, do women and men in Western democracies have the same discursive influence? Are women particularly sensitive to men's discursive authority? I help answer these questions using an experimental research design. The results of my study offer evidence that people are more willing to revise their opinions after hearing a man's counterargument than after hearing a woman's identical counterargument. This pattern appears to be driven by the way women respond to a man's counterclaim. I discuss how gendered discursive inequities reinforce existing patriarchal structures, and the role that women inadvertently play in their own subjugation. I conclude by offering suggestions for better approximating the ideal of discursive gender equality.