Research on political speeches is often done in countries with strong presidential powers, typically in the USA. However, political speeches by presidents are also a critical method of influencing public opinion in the Czech Republic. Therefore this article is focused on the analysis of speeches of the former President of the Czech Republic, Vaclav Klaus. Our research is based on a combination of quantitative and qualitative content analysis of Klaus' speeches (thematic units are used as the unit of analysis) found on his website (www.klaus.cz) in the period from 1995 to the end of his presidency, March 2013 (N = 470). We aim to identify the changing structure of political issues in Klaus' speeches and changes in Klaus' position on those issues, and to uncover any characteristic features of his speeches (the use of personal pronouns, the role of the speaker, the tone of the speech, etc.). Adapted from the source document.
A review essay on a book by Martin Potucek et al, Pruvodce krajinou priorit pro CKeskou republiku ([A Guide in the Landscape of Priorities for the Czech Republic] Prague: Centre Social & Economic Strategies, 2002). This publication presents the results of a 2-year forecasting project initiated (& funded) by the Czech government & prepared by a wide circle of academic & executive experts. The review follows two aims: to (1) introduce the reader to the structure & complexity of the text & to present the reviewer's evaluation of it, & (2) outline the role of forecasting studies in modern societies & their specific evolution & current situation in the domestic (academic & political) context. The review appreciates that the preparation of the study was based on the interaction of actors in academic, executive, & political spheres who see a stake for themselves in future studies. The critical assessment focuses on the theoretical claims of the study, which suggest understanding current transformations with reference to debates about modernity.
The article is concerned with analysis of independence of central banks of the EU Member States within the framework of the ESCB, as well as independence & responsibility of the ECB, & suggests an alternative institutional embodiment of its position, reflecting the specific framework of the EMU. The system of selection of members of the ECB's Executive Board blurs a real collective responsibility towards Member States, which opens possibilities for nontransparent lobbyism. Modified system is suggested so that national banks governors have a symbolic relationship to the political representation, i.e. that they reflect a national economic policy in some way, without being bound & restricted by its formation whatsoever. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.
The paper analyzes the candidate selection procedure in Czech political parties before the elections to the European Parliament. It focuses on the four main Czech political parties: CSSD, KDU-CSL, KSCM & ODS. First, selection procedures are described. The description is based on the analysis of written documents (party statutes & statutes governing candidate selection procedures). Second, the article analyzes candidate selections by applying the classification framework set by Gideon Rahat & Reuven Hazan. This framework emphasizes four dimensions of candidate selection methods: candidacy, party electorates, decentralization, & voting/appointment systems. The findings from the analysis of written documents are compared with the results from a questionnaire survey conducted among the candidates. Candidate selection in CSSD & ODS was centralized in the hands of the narrow central executive & candidacy was limited to party members. On the other hand, candidate selection in KDU-CSL & KSCM was more decentralized, with final decisions taken by widely representative central party bodies. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.
The September 11th, terrorist attacks on the United States totally overshadowed the significant legislative changes in the field of the US sanctions policy, which went into effect in the years 2000 and 2001. Albeit these changes as such may appear insufficient at first sight, the decade of sanctions policy reform debates and disputes which preceded these changes justifies the conclusion that they are the best result possible, and far more important than any unsystematic shifts in the regime of imposing economic sanctions for foreign policy purposes made back in the 1990s. The need to reform the US sanctions policy was caused by afundamental change of the international environment brought about by the end of the Cold War. Unlike in the bipolar world, wherein universal sanctions measures were fully sufficient, it was necessary after the end of the Cold War to react to numerous and varied threats to US foreign policy interests. This was done by laws "tailored" for the sanctioned country. The attempt to reform US sanctions policy in the 1990s revealed infull the rivalry between the legislative and executive powers, both of which wanted to preserve the decisive influence upon administrating sanctions and making decisions about them. It was undoubtedly the legislative power the Congress -- which emerged strengthened from the decade of rivalry. The last major factor reemerging in the sanctions policy reform debate and disputes was the issue of extraterritorial effects of some us laws. The extraterritoriality of us legislation caused a backlash in the world, which the US administration could not simply ignore. Yet the United States will probably not give up this powerful tool for forced multilateralization of its unilateral sanctions since this tool enables the US to avoid protracted and uncertain promotion of its interests in the form of multilateral sanctions negotiated by traditional diplomatic means. Adapted from the source document.
