Suchergebnisse

U radu se istražuju ustroj i djelovanje Izvršnog vijeća Sabora NRH, republičkog izvršnog tijela vlasti, u razdoblju od njegova osnivanja Ustavnim zakonom NRH 1953. godine do donošenja novog Ustava SRH 1963. godine. U navedenom razdoblju rad Izvršnog vijeća prati se kroz tri mandatna razdoblja: prvo 6.2.-18.12.1953, drugo 18.12.1953.-10.4.1958. te treće mandatno razdoblje 10.4.1958.-27.6.1963. godine. Istraživanje se prvenstveno temelji na analizi arhivskoga gradiva fondova Izvršno vijeće Sabora SRH 1953-1990. i Sabor SRH 1945-1982. u Hrvatskom državnom arhivu te zakona, podzakonskih propisa i drugih akata objavljenih u službenim listovima (Narodne novine, Službeni list FNRJ). U prvom dijelu rada analiziraju se odredbe o postupku izbora Izvršnog vijeća te donosi pregled i popisi izabranih članova po mandatnim razdobljima. U nastavku rada naglasak je na definiranju poslova iz stručne nadležnosti, te pregledu organizacije i rekonstrukciji unutarnjeg ustroja Izvršnog vijeća (upravljanje Izvršnim vijećem, stručna tijela: odbori i komisije, administracija Izvršnog vijeća). U posljednjem poglavlju analiziraju se osnovna obilježja i rezultati rada Izvršnog vijeća u promatranom razdoblju, s posebnim osvrtom na rad u sjednicama, pripremanje prijedloga zakona, te donošenje podzakonskih propisa i drugih akata iz njegove nadležnosti. ; The article presents Executive Council of Parliament of the People's Republic of Croatia (1953-1963), as one of the central governing institutions, with special interest i n its organization, functions and activity. The first chapter gives an overview of the provisions about constitution and procedure of members' election. It was constituted by 15 to 30 members, elected from members of the Republican Chamber of the Parliament of the People's Republic of Croatia. Three mandate periods were established within which the activity of the Executive Council should be monitored: The first mandate from 6th February till 18th December 1953, the second mandate from 18th December 1953 till 10th April 1958 and the third mandate from 10th April 1958 till 27th June 1963. The same chapter brings the list of all members organized according to mandates. The second chapter gives an overview of the functions defined in regulations. According to the provisions of Constitutional Law from 1953, it is defined which functions has the Executive Council taken over from the authority of the abrogated Government of the People's Republic of Croatia and Presidium of the Parliament of the People's Republic of Croatia. Further analysis points that in period from 1953 to 1956 Executive Council was acting as executive-administrative body and from 1956 to 1963 primarily as executive-political body. In 1956, due to the reorganisation of the public administration, the majority of administrative functions until then under the jurisdiction of the Executive Council were transferred to the authority of the Republic's governing bodies. According to that, Executive Council acts primarily as executive-political body, under which authority is enforcement of general politics and measures, as well as adoption of acts and putting precise tasks to governing bodies for their accomplishment. The next chapter gives an analysis of its organization, divided in three parts: guidance of Executive Council, working bodies (boards and commissions) and administrative and professional service. The last chapter gives an analysis of the activity of Executive Council. It is concluded that the most of the activity concerns the discussion of questions, preparation of laws and adoption of acts related to economy and finances, organization of central Republic's institutions, republican and regional (local) governing bodies, as well as education, science and culture. Less activity concerned the discussion of questions, preparation of laws and adoption of acts related to other administrative fields, first of all, system of justice and home affairs, health care system and social policy, as well as labour relations.

U radu se prikazuju rezultati istraživanja ustroja i djelovanja Izvršnog vijeća Sabora SRH u ustavnom razdoblju 1963-1974. Rad Izvršnog vijeća prati se kroz četiri mandatna razdoblja: četvrto 27. lipnja 1963.-11. svibnja 1967, peto 11. svibnja 1967.-9. svibnja 1969, šesto 9. svibnja 1969.-7. siječnja 1972. te sedmo 7. siječnja 1972.-8. svibnja 1974. Rezultati istraživanja temelje se na analizi arhivskog gradiva fondova Izvršno vijeće Sabora SRH 1953-1990. i Sabor SRH 1945-1982. u Hrvatskom državnom arhivu, te propisa i drugih akata objavljenih u službenim listovima. U radu se donosi sistematizirani pregled svih članova po mandatnim razdobljima, pregled propisima definirane nadležnosti i unutarnjeg ustroja te analiza obilježja i rezultata rada Izvršnog vijeća u promatranom razdoblju. ; The article presents Executive Council of Parliament of Socialist Republic of Croatia (1963-1974), as one of the central governing institutions, with special interest in its organization, functions and activity. The first chapter gives an overview of the provisions about constitution and procedure of members' election. Four mandate periods were established within which the activity of the Executive Council should be monitored: The fourth mandate from 27th June 1963 till 11th May 1967, the fifth mandate from 11th May 1967 till 9th May 1969, the sixth mandate from 9th May 1969 till 7th January 1972 and the seventh mandate from 7th January 1972 till 8th May 1974. The same chapter brings the list of all members organized according to mandates. The second chapter gives an overview of the functions defined in regulations. The next chapter gives an analysis of its organization, divided in four parts: guidance of Executive Council, working bodies (boards, commissions, workgroups), councils and committees, and administrative and professional service. The last chapter gives an analysis of the activity of Executive Council. It is concluded that the most of the activity concerns the discussion of questions related to economy and finances, organization of central Republic's institutions, republican and regional (local) governing bodies, as well as system of justice, security and home affairs. As well, follow questions related to education, science and culture, health care system and social policy, labour relations, foreign affairs and international relations.

Specifičnost nadzora nad radom izvršnih i upravnih tijela lokalne samouprave leži u opreci između upravnih obilježja jedinice lokalne samouprave i njezinih samoupravnih obilježja. Stoga on treba biti ustrojen na način kojim se respektiraju samoupravne ovlasti lokalne samouprave, ali pritom istodobno štiti zakonitost u cjelokupnom pravnom sustavu. U radu se istražuju oblici nadzora nad izvršnim i upravnim tijelima jedinica lokalne samouprave u Hrvatskoj, pri čemu se, nakon razmatranja prirode nadzora, subjekata nadzora i nadzornih ovlasti, posebice analizira nadzor unutar samih tijela lokalne samouprave, hijerarhijski upravni nadzor od strane tijela područne (regionalne) samouprave te upravni i inspekcijski nadzor od strane Ministarstva uprave, upravnosudski nadzor kao i nadzor od strane pučkoga pravobranitelja. Poseban naglasak stavljen je na instrumente provođenja svakoga pojedinoga nadzora te na nadzorne ovlasti kojima raspolažu nadzorna tijela. Pritom se skreće pozornost na utjecaj koji na učinkovitost i djelotvornost nadzora imaju broj i veličina lokalnih jedinica i posljedično njihova objektivna sposobnost obavljanja poslova iz samoupravnog djelokruga. ; The specificity of supervision over the work of executive and administrative bodies of local self-government lies in the contradiction between administrative characteristics of units of local self-government and its self-administrative characteristics. Therefore, it should be organised in a way that respects the self-administration powers of local self-government, but at the same time, protects legality in the entire legal system. This paper investigates the supervision of executive and administrative bodies of units of local self-government in Croatia. Here, after considering the nature of the supervision, subjects of supervision and supervisory powers, in particular the forms of supervision are analysed over executive and administrative bodies of units of local self-government, hierarchical administrative supervision by bodies of regional self-government and administrative and inspectorial supervision by the Ministry of Administration, administrative court supervision as well as supervision by the ombudsman. Particular emphasis is placed on the instruments for implementation of every individual supervision and on the supervisory powers at the disposal of supervisory bodies. Thereby attention is given to the influence on the efficiency and effectiveness of supervision, the number and size of local units and consequently their objective capability to carry out duties within the sphere of self-government.

Specifičnost nadzora nad radom izvršnih i upravnih tijela lokalne samouprave leži u opreci između upravnih obilježja jedinice lokalne samouprave i njezinih samoupravnih obilježja. Stoga on treba biti ustrojen na način kojim se respektiraju samoupravne ovlasti lokalne samouprave, ali pritom istodobno štiti zakonitost u cjelokupnom pravnom sustavu. U radu se istražuju oblici nadzora nad izvršnim i upravnim tijelima jedinica lokalne samouprave u Hrvatskoj, pri čemu se, nakon razmatranja prirode nadzora, subjekata nadzora i nadzornih ovlasti, posebice analizira nadzor unutar samih tijela lokalne samouprave, hijerarhijski upravni nadzor od strane tijela područne (regionalne) samouprave te upravni i inspekcijski nadzor od strane Ministarstva uprave, upravnosudski nadzor kao i nadzor od strane pučkoga pravobranitelja. Poseban naglasak stavljen je na instrumente provođenja svakoga pojedinoga nadzora te na nadzorne ovlasti kojima raspolažu nadzorna tijela. Pritom se skreće pozornost na utjecaj koji na učinkovitost i djelotvornost nadzora imaju broj i veličina lokalnih jedinica i posljedično njihova objektivna sposobnost obavljanja poslova iz samoupravnog djelokruga. ; The specificity of supervision over the work of executive and administrative bodies of local self-government lies in the contradiction between administrative characteristics of units of local self-government and its self-administrative characteristics. Therefore, it should be organised in a way that respects the self-administration powers of local self-government, but at the same time, protects legality in the entire legal system. This paper investigates the supervision of executive and administrative bodies of units of local self-government in Croatia. Here, after considering the nature of the supervision, subjects of supervision and supervisory powers, in particular the forms of supervision are analysed over executive and administrative bodies of units of local self-government, hierarchical administrative supervision by bodies of regional self-government ...

The author thematizes the concept of presidentialization of parliamentary democracies, which was developed most systematically in comparative politics by Thomas Poguntke & Paul Webb. The concept of presidentialization designates a process through which parliamentary systems become increasingly presidential in their functional logic & political practice, with no actual alteration of the formal institutional arrangement, ie., of the type of regime. The initial presidentialist processes were observed in British politics of the 1960s, & they were analyzed through a descriptive debate on whether the British Government was prime ministerial or cabinet. The main theoretical rival to the concept of presidentialization is the core executive model, which was expounded in the early 1990s by Dunleavy & Rhodes. According to the core executive model, relations between the principal actors within executive power are determined by dependence, not domination. According to the concept of presidentialization, parliamentary systems are characterized by a shift from collective to individual political might & responsibility. The principal actor is the Prime Minister, who dominates the other actors due to the institutional & personal resources at his disposal. Research into presidentialization can be conducted on the levels of executive power, of political parties & of the electoral process. Adapted from the source document.

The author devotes the first portion of the article to an analysis of several modern 'two-house' parliamentary systems, & shows the factors influencing their formation in federal & unitary states. An analysis of the relationship between the two houses in some political system leads to the conclusion that this system has considerable influence in federal countries (with the exception of Austria), while there is considerably less influence on unitary states -- where the role of the first house is considerably greater than that of the second in law-making & executive functions. The second portion of the article is an analysis of the relationship between the Representatives' House and House of Counties in the Croatian parliament. Although a two-house system by definition, it lacks equality between the two houses in the law-making process & their stances toward the executive. They each have different powers, their members are elected in different ways, & their relationship with the executive differs. This parliament can be characterized as an asymmetrical two-house parliamentary system. Although the House of Counties can initiate laws, it cannot by law, pass laws. Thus, the House of Counties is seen as an advisory body &, in some degree, a supervisory body with the right of veto, & as a house through which regional interests are articulated & represented. Although the real center of power is in the hands of the state & the president, & not in the parliament -- since the Croatian political system is based on a concept of imbalance favoring the executive -- the new Parliament is the real framework for fundamental & long-term political, economic, & institutional transformation in Croatia, as seen by the intensive legislative, supervisory, & legitimation functions of the past two years. 5 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the issue of how to strengthen the role of national parliaments in the process of accession to the EU. In that process, the national parliaments of the candidate countries can draw on the experience of the EU member countries, The intensification of the EU integration has resulted in the so called democratic deficit. This means that national parliaments have been losing control over an increasing portion of the regulatory issues which are being taken over by the EU executive bodies, primarily the European Commission & the Council of Ministers, whose decisions are not swayed by the political clout & the control mechanisms of the national or the European parliament. That is why the EU member countries have been developing new mechanisms that will strengthen their participatory & controlling competence versus the EU executive bodies. Such mechanisms are most developed in the parliaments of the Scandinavian countries, whose experience serves as a model to other parliaments. Also important are the emergence of some new mechanisms of cooperation with the European parliament as well as the establishment of a permanent inter-parliamentary cooperation. Among the latter, the Conference of Parliamentary Committees specialized for EU affairs stands out; the so-called COSAC (Conferance des Organes specialisees dans les affaires communautaires/Conference of the Community & European Affairs Committees of Parliaments of the EU) established in 1989. The author concludes that the candidate countries' parliaments should timely devise certain specialized & cooperative structures that will enable them to be on equal footing with their governments & the EU executive bodies in the process of decision making. 2 Tables, 3 Figures, 64 References. Adapted from the source document.

The article deals with the genesis & attainments of the ombudsmen institutions in Sweden & Norway. The author presents existing forms, organizational structure, functioning of ombudsmen, their competences, authorities, the way of financing their functions, rules of procedure & operation of some forms of the ombudsmen. He particularly analyses the institutional & other relationships between the ombudsmen institutions & legislative, executive & judicial authorities in these two countries. References. Adapted from the source document.

Politički savjetnici obilježje su suvremene državne uprave. Predstavljaju osobe koje temeljem imenovanja prema nedefiniranim kriterijima pružaju savjete ministru ili premijeru u pogledu javnih politika, političkih aspekata i koordinacije ili odnosa s javnošću. Dolaze i odlaze s ministrom, a njihov je status u pravilu nejednako reguliran u pojedinim državama, ako je uopće i reguliran. Javljaju se zbog promjena u upravljanju, potrebe za jačanjem koordinacije, vodstva i strategije kao i odgovora na intenziviranje komunikacija. Dovode do promjena u odnosu između politike i uprave u državnoj upravi, a osnovne zamjerke i nepovjerenje javnosti proizlaze iz netransparentnosti, izostanka regulacije i nedostatka odgovornosti. U radu se razmatraju razlozi zbog kojih politički savjetnici postaju neizostavan dio ministarskih kabineta, analiziraju se pojam, vrste i funkcije političkih savjetnika te opisuju posljedice i ključni elementi koncepta. Naglašava se važnost uređenja statusa političkih savjetnika i transparentnosti radi osiguravanja ostvarivanja javnog interesa i povjerenja javnosti u institucije. ; These days political advisors are indispensable to state administration. They are appointed to their positions to advise ministers and the prime minister on public policy, various political aspects and coordination, or on public relations and aspects of communication. Their appointments depend on the minister's term of office. Political advisors are not part of the civil service and different states take different approaches, if any at all, to regulating their status. The need for political advisors arises in conjunction with changes in management, the need to strengthen coordination, leadership and strategy, as well as the need to address a growing intensity of communication. Political advisors constitute a new factor in the dynamic between politicians and civil servants, and they bring about changes in the relationship between politics and administration. They generate a mistrust among the general public, due to a lack of transparency and accountability, as well as the fact that, as a rule, their position is governed by specific regulations, if any at all. Conflict of interest, in particular, is a cause for concern. The paper examines the reasons why political advisors may become key members of ministerial cabinets, analyses the concept of the political advisor and their various types and functions, and describes the consequences and key elements of the concept. Trends in some countries are also included.

The criticism levelled at the American foreign policy revolves around three lines of objections. The first is that the US lacks a global vision of its role in the international arena. The second line of criticism refers to the limitations of the domestic context, ie, the rise of isolationist tendencies & aspirations in the American society. The third group includes perhaps the most serious developments, since they find their rationale in the institutional solutions of the American foreign policy, particularly in the claims about the restricted foreign policy capacities of the American executive. Adapted from the source document.

Rad se temelji na obradi zapisnika sjednica skupštine Kotarskog narodnog odbora Senj, njegova Izvršna odbora te zapisnicima plenuma i biroa Kotarskog komiteta Komunističke partije Hrvatske. Istražena je upravna organizacija Kotara Senj, pravni akti upravnih tijela i odluke iz državnopravne povijesti Senja u razdoblju od 1946. do 1948. sačuvani u Državnom arhivu u Rijeci i Sabirnom arhivskom centru u Senju. Kronološki su analizirane sjednice Kotarskog narodnog odbora i Izvršnog odbora, osim onih iz 1945. i 1946. koje nisu sačuvane. Iz arhivske građe može se utvrditi organizacija Kotarskog narodnog odbora, njegovih odbora, komisija i povjereništava, donošenje proračuna, rad mjesnih narodnih odbora i zborova birača, gospodarskih subjekata (poduzeća), rad sudova i izbor sudaca prisjednika, kao i prosvjetna politika (osobito opismenjavanje) i zdravstvo. ; The article is based upon the analysis of the minutes of the meetings of the Assembly of the District People's Committee Senj, its Executive Committee, and the minutes of the plenum and the Bureau of the District Committee of the Communist Party of Croatia. The administrative organisation of Senj District was researched, the legal acts of the administrative bodies and the decisions of the state-legal history of Senj in the period from 1946 to 1948 preserved in the State Archives in Rijeka and the Collective Archival Centre in Senj. The meetings of the District People's Committee and the Executive Committee are chronologically analysed apart from those from 1945 and 1946 which were not preserved. From the archive material the organisation of the district people's committee can be determined, its committees, commissions and boards, budget adoptions, the work of the local people's committees and voters' meetings, economic entities (businesses), the work of the courts and the election of judge assessors, as well as educational policies (especially literacy) and health.

Uspostava novih političkih sustava u Srednjoj i Istočnoj Europi nakon pada komunističkih režima značila je i izbor novog sustava vlasti umjesto dotad proklamiranog skupštinskog. Stajalište ustavotvoraca o potrebi snažne institucije predsjednika države tijekom procesa tranzicije, te odnos snaga između različitih aktera u političkoj areni, rezultirali su uspostavom polupredsjedničkog sustava u mnogima od tih zemalja. U Rusiji i Poljskoj su s prvim promjenama ustava prihvaćeni neki elementi, a zatim i čitav koncept semiprezidencijalizma. Ustavni modeli u te dvije zemlje u skladu su s kriterijima polupredsjedničkih sustava – posjeduju dualnu strukturu izvršne vlasti, te fi ksni mandat predsjednika države izabranog na općim izborima i politički neodgovornog parlamentu. Politička je praksa u njima u posljednjih petnaestak godina pokazivala različite učinke uspostavljenog sustava. U Rusiji je predsjednik države dominirao političkim sustavom u tolikoj mjeri da je sustav u praksi bio predsjednički, dok su u Poljskoj ustavne promjene iz 1990., 1992. i 1997. godine rezultirale promjenom odnosa snaga unutar dualne strukture izvršne vlasti. ; The establishment of new political systems in Central and Eastern Europe after the collapse of communist regimes implied a decision on a new system of government instead of the earlier proclaimed assembly system. The position of the framers of the Constitution on the need for a strong institution of state presidency during the transition process, and the correlation of forces between diff erent actors in the political arena, have resulted in the establishment of the semi-presidential system in many of these countries. In Russia and Poland, with the fi rst modifi cations of their Constitutions, some elements of semi-presidentialism were adopted, and then the whole concept of semi-presidentialism has been accepted. The constitutional models in the two countries are compatible with the criteria of semi-presidential systems – they have a dual structure of the executive branch of government ...

The author's starting point is Locke's classical thesis that the rulers & the ruled are subject to universal laws & that their abuses are prevented by the institutional means of power sharing. The rule according to which nobody can be a judge in their own affairs unconditionally applies in all court or administrative proceedings. The problem arises when this legal thinking is applied to parliaments. Namely, in parliamentary work the incompatibility of the mandates of the legislative & the executive branch is annulled since the executive power gains the upper hand in the composition & substance of the legislature. Besides, The basic law (Grundgesetz) provides MPs with indemnity in their voting behavior & guarantees to them immunity from punishment for certain acts that other citizens would not be able to get away with. This relative freedom & independence of MPs is corrected by the rule books on the behavior of MPs that envision the necessity of their ethical conduct. The violations of the rules are sanctioned not so much by moderatorial law as by political means. The author's opinion is that deciding on their own affairs cannot be universally granted to parliaments. Constitutions allow, even call for, certain decisions on one's own affairs to be made. However, due to insufficient outside control, self-control must be increased, which implies legal obedience on the part of MPs so that laws become meaningful for all participants. Besides the ethical & political pressures that force the MPs to behave in a law-abiding manner, laws also exert positive pressure on them to see to it that their decisions serve the public good. Adapted from the source document.

The author considers basic controversies surrounding the constitutional model & reality of Croatian parliamentarism. He contends that all these issues can be summarized in one debatable question: Is it a fair assessment that the Croatian political system & Croatian parliamentarism are marred by the concentration of power wielded by the upper echelon of the government, especially the President of the Republic, while the parliament is powerless & marginalized. The author challenges this assumption by systematically dividing basic characteristics of parliamentary governments & semipresidential systems into specific examples of both foreign policy & majority & consensus decision making; while emphasizing the influence of the party system on constitutional government. He believes that a change from a semipresidential system to a purely parliamentary system would not significantly affect the relationship between the law-making & executive arms of government. Adapted from the source document.