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The role of experts in pol'al life is currently expanding. Despite the hopes entertained by socialist thinkers, an everincreasing absence of PO is noted, in the decisions taken by the State. Whatever the reasons for this state of affairs (lack of information, interest, or skill, etc), examples are abundant, & the impossibility of believing in the 'governing democracy', to combat or counterbalance the dangers of technocracy, follows, It is said, however, that the excessive development of a technocracy is not to be feared, not only re technical & human order, but also re the generalized opposition of gov's, admin, pressure groups & SC's. The final decision in pol'al matters belongs to all of these groups in common & none of them intends to renounce this power. The task of the politician is to rank the data communicated to him by experts, & to make necessary decisions, vis-a-vis pol'al imperatives. He must call on the advice of technicians, & it would be hoped that this aid be made obligatory, by legislation. The reign of the technocrats is not yet an immediate danger; personal liberties will be menaced only when the politicians, having become specialists of a truly 'pol'al sci', will enjoy the same powers as the wise governors of the Platonic city. Tr from IPSA by J. Atkins.

The technician appears to be opposed to the man of pol, & yet there are numerous intermediary areas where the technocrat & the politician are combined in one person. There have always been technicians participating in the exercise of power, whatever the regime. Only the means of access to the exercising of power, & the process of decision have differed according to historical period & regime. The function of technician does not imply a clerkly status-technocracy is not synonymous with bur'cy. The role of technicians involved in gov is to `engage' it, to fortify & clarify its positions. Men of pol ask technicians to justify pol'al behavior vis-a-vis PO & pol'al opinion. Tr from IPSA by J. Atkins.

Throughout his career Gilberto Freyre has refused to be classified as a fullfledged member of any academic craft union. He has preferred the title "writer" or "essayist" rather than "historian" or "sociologist". Such courage is refreshing in an era when the labels of scholarly expertise, however baroque in their refinements, have come to be taken more and more seriously. Disdainfully rejecting the cult of specialization, Freyre has set out to "see the truth and see it whole".

KTO KOVO?" asked Lenin. "Who governs?" echoes a contemporary American political scientist. The question is of perennial interest. The "who's" have the capacity to influence the behavior of others. They include political leaders, who customarily exercise power through public or governmental bodies, and non-political leaders, who may exercise power through the command of other values, such as wealth, income, expertise. Political leaders and non-political leaders together constitute the elite; they lead the masses, who, needless to say, greatly outnumber the elite.

Several reasons for the welcome growth in serious public discussion of military affairs are apparent. Americans are increasingly realizing that we are terribly vulnerable. Military preparations can no longer be deferred until after the onset of hostilities, making it more important that we analyze carefully in peacetime what our preparations should be. The magnitude of our defense effort has so increased that it naturally draws more critical scrutiny. Above all, what we do in defense interacts crucially with our foreign policy. To these considerations that obviously stimulate discussion, we must add another that weakens an inhibition against it. Critics need defer far less than formerly to military expertise.

Interviews with legislators in 4 US states indicate that some of them become specialists in important subject-matter fields. The member-specialist functions as a communication channel to the society: he simplifies for his fellows the complexities of admin've, sci'ific, educ'al, legal & fiscal problems. This informal expertise system develops alongside the standing committee system despite the difficulty experienced by an elective body in recruiting, training & retaining specialists. It persists apparently because the members need the assistance of someone who (1) has a greater knowledge than they of the matters they regulate but (2) is one of their ingroup & subject to pressures they experience & understand. The appearance of this informal division of labor throws into question the theory that the legislator in a system of separation of powers should & does act primarily as the generalist, the layman & the omnicompetent representative. AA-IPSA.

A subject like race relations (RR) has no pure theory of its own, but exists to bring together all that other sci's can contribute to the solution of problems within its own special field.' The central sociol'al problem in the study of RR is that of SD. The observance of SD is a form of discrimination consisting in the failure to admit strangers to particular relationships, & is characterized chiefly by avoidance. Where racial distinctions are more rigid, patterns of SD also reflect pol'al & psychol'al influences to a marked extent & it is more difficult to isolate the purely sociol'al factors. 'Sociol does not attempt to provide any inclusive account of the myriad influences upon HB. In one region sociol'al factors may be of major relevance to an understanding of the total/sum position; in another, they may be relatively insignif compared with pol'al or psychol'al ones. It is the specialist in RR studies who has to develop an expertise in applying these contributions & assessing their relevance to the complex problems with which he is confronted.' E. Weiman.

Unwritten rules, or informal norms & sanctions, appear to be a functional element of the soc system among members of the Canadian House of Commons. These rules facilitate legislation, the training of members & the maintenance of the party system. Stress is placed upon rules reducing personal conflict with the House & avoiding personal criticism outside the House. Less stress is placed on easing the flow of legislation, a fact which may be related to the extensive gov responsibility for the legislative program. Relatively little importance is attached to control of intraparty conflict, although members of the 2 minority parties were more conscious of this norm than members of the 2 majority parties. Sanctions viewed as effective tended to be informal, although perception by the members of the possibility of sanction was unevenly distributed. To some degree, this can be attributed to the presence of a number of pol'al amateurs. However, it appears that circumstantial or short-term variables play an important role in increasing or diminishing awareness of the rules. Members of the majority parties, for example, were more conscious of values favoring expertise & the training of members than were those of the minority parties. Modified IPSA.

Every year thousands of strangers from abroad, representing rich and diverse backgrounds of nationality, pro fession, and personality, arrive in American communities. These communities, for the most part, have organized or are organizing themselves to meet effectively the needs of these men and women. In co-operation with campus advisers to foreign students, programs are being developed to open wide doors to family, civic, and cultural life into which students from abroad may enter if they choose. Working closely in co-operation with national agencies under contract to the State Department, with the International Cooperation Administra tion, and other governmental and nongovernmental groups, communities are also providing a variety of services for short- term visitors. Communities are stressing host-family programs through which strong interpersonal relationships can be de veloped. Both family and guest learn from one another as they participate in the dialogue between people of diverse backgrounds. Both professionals and volunteers involved in community programming recognize that goodwill is not enough. Through conferences, seminars, and publications, they have developed an expertise in technique. At the same time, they are continually searching for deeper insights into cross-cul tural contact through reading and consultation with social scientists and anthropologists.

During the annual sessions of the General Assembly of the United Nations the policy and budget of the Office of Public Information (OPI) of the organization have been the perennial center of a complex debate. Instructions first given the Secretariat in 1946 provide some elements of this debate, while others depend on the professional expertise of the international civil service and on its influence and support in a General Assembly divided several ways. As a whole, the outcome demonstrates once more both the durable force of an attractive idea and the truth of the maxim that secretariats have great weight in the policy processes of international, as of other, organizations. For despite repeated debate and attack OPI has proved enduring and resilient.During the last 15 years the many-faceted program of the agency has shrunk somewhat, to be sure, under the economizer's knife. In particular, it was under unusually severe criticism in 1957, when the General Assembly established an expert committee to investigate UN public information activities, and also in 1958, when the results of the inquiry were discussed. This committee, appointed with the unenthusiastic concurrence of the Secretary General, and made up of six governmental nominees not all of whom had experience with public information, directly challenged some of the working assumptions of OPI and called attention to difficulties with others. Their report struck a blow, too, at the internal balance of OPI, accused it of substantive failures and urged it to design new programs.