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In 2000, far right parties were confined to the margins of the European political landscape. In a few years, they have gained ground in most national parliaments. Their progress, alongside the victories of Erdoğan in Turkey, Modi in India, Duterte in the Philippines, Trump in the United States or Bolsonaro in Brazil, has led to the identity radicalisation of part of the traditional right-wing. Do we support a 'fascisation' of political life and fear a 'return to fascism'? Far from being confined to specialists alone, these issues have involved many writers, artists, politicians (and even Pope Francis) and have also revived extensive historical debates: is fascism a specific historical phenomenon or a concept that goes beyond the geographical and temporal context that led to it? What is the role of analogy and anachronism in historical analysis? Fourteen historians and politicians agreed to express their views on the subject. In the first days of the health crisis, we wondered whether our file might appear to be displaced or even obsolete. This does not seem to be the case. All over the world, right-wing parties have sought to benefit from the health emergency. They offered conspiracy readings, called for the closure of borders and investigated an indictment against lockdown measures. It was in this context that we discovered the work of Sosthen Hennekam, who wanted to illustrate this issue, on the architectures of Milan, the place of birth of fascism and one of the cities most affected by the Covid pandemic. ; International audience ; In 2000, far right parties were confined to the margins of the European political landscape. In a few years, they have gained ground in most national parliaments. Their progress, alongside the victories of Erdoğan in Turkey, Modi in India, Duterte in the Philippines, Trump in the United States or Bolsonaro in Brazil, has led to the identity radicalisation of part of the traditional right-wing. Do we support a 'fascisation' of political life and fear a 'return to fascism'? Far from ...

International audience ; En 2000, les partis d'extrême droite étaient cantonnés aux marges du paysage politique européen. En quelques années, ils ont gagné du terrain dans la plupart des parlements nationaux. Leur avancée, parallèle aux victoires d'Erdoğan en Turquie, de Modi en Inde, de Duterte aux Philippines, de Trump aux États-Unis ou de Bolsonaro au Brésil, a provoqué une radicalisation identitaire d'une partie de la droite traditionnelle.Assistons-nous à une « fascisation » de la vie politique ? Faut-il craindre un « retour du fascisme » ? Loin de rester cantonnées aux seuls spécialistes, ces questions ont mobilisé de nombreux écrivains, artistes, politiciens (et jusqu'au pape François).Elles ont ravivé aussi des débats historiographiques d'envergure : le fascisme est-il un phénomène historique spécifique ou une notion qui dépasse le cadre géographique et temporel qui l'a engendré ? Quel est le rôle de l'analogie et de l'anachronisme dans l'analyse historique ? Quatorze historiens et politistes ont accepté de s'exprimer sur le sujet.Dans les premiers jours de la crise sanitaire, nous nous sommes demandées si notre dossier risquait d'apparaître déplacé, voire obsolète. Tel ne semble pas être le cas. Dans le monde entier, les partis d'extrême droite ont cherché à tirer profit de l'urgence sanitaire. Ils ont proposé des lectures complotistes, sollicité la fermeture des frontières et instruit un réquisitoire contre les mesures de confinement.C'est dans cette conjoncture que nous avons découvert le travail de Sosthen Hennekam, qui a bien voulu illustrer ce numéro, sur les architectures de Milan, le lieu de naissance du fascisme et l'une des villes le plus touchées par la pandémie du Covid.

Fascism was once a momentous and imperative subject of study, but as the memory of atrocity faded there has been a lessening of stakes and a forgetting of its previous import. The election of Donald J. Trump, along with the Brexit referendum, growing support for economic nationalism, and a global rise of authoritarian populists, has revitalized the "fascism question," both by scholars and the general public. The reemergence (and electoral successes) of far-right ideological partisans threatens the neoliberal consensus, challenging received wisdom within political science. The dominant approach within international political economy failed to predict escalating political opposition to global capitalism. A prescient exception is the heterodox scholar William Robinson, who had warned his readers of emergent 21st century fascism. This essay is inspired by Robinson's theories but challenges some of his precepts and conclusions. The study of fascism is intertwined with studies of capitalism, financial crisis, inter-imperialist rivalry, democracy, and history; however, politics is never reducible to the structural settings in which it occurs. There are insoluble contradictions between historic fascism and its present-day recurrence. 21st century fascism is haunted by an overladen history and overdetermined by the present conjuncture. A renewed study of fascism ought to focus criticism upon the hypocrisy of liberal politics. The struggle against fascism is also a struggle against liberalism, global capitalism, and American empire.

Explores the degree to which fascism was revolutionary. Domenico Settembrini's 1978 book on fascism, claiming that it was an "imperfect counterrevolution," was criticized by Italy's Left revolutionaries who did not want fascism equated with their idealistic communist goals. Yet, recent historiography has contested the view that the owner classes supported fascism's rise to power. Fascism was seen as a combination of nationalism & socialism, & the bourgeoisie were considered the foremost enemy of both movements. Mussolini's movement shared with communism the militaristic approach to politics, the rejection of middle-class values, the desire to create a new civilization, the suppression of independent thought, & the desire to destroy its enemies (La Rochelle 1998). Fascism was guilty of violence & crimes, but lacked the revolutionary goal of complete purification through the destruction of entire groups. Its legacy, however, was the spreading of the Bolshevik culture to its survivors. L. A. Hoffman

Fascism in Italy & Germany was the result of mass movements that seized power when the existing capitalist ruling classes readily yielded control. Fascist ideology, which is a variant of bourgeois ideology with a petty bourgeois character, appealed to individuals of all SC's. It called for unity & an end to divisive class struggles although it did not attack property relations which were the foundations of the existing class structure. Fascism is the last stage of capitalist society, in which the inherent contradictions of the system are brutally pushed to their ultimate consequences. In practice, fascism is the negation of bourgeois democracy & formal equality, & marks the end of the legal pursuit of particular interests. The mass basis for the fascist movement are the middle strata, who tend to have certain characteristic traits: (1) a narrow focus on particular needs, wants & conceptions; (2) an absolute identification with "natural" groups; (3) an intense hostility to other families, religions, nations & races, conceived of as out-groups; (4) an obsession with the past & a preoccupation with a return to "original" structures; & (5) a veneration of authoritarian figures & forces. A fundamental feature of fascism that is historically unique are the military organizations, or storm troops, that dominate the party, & are unconditionally brutal against real or pretended enemies. The "national socialism" of fascist ideology refers to the attempt to increase the satisfaction of the material needs of every member of all SC's within the national community at the expense of other nations. Fascism arises when the petty bourgeoisie is crushed between the ruling class & a strong Wc. It evolves into a movement that attempts to smash worker's organizations on its road to power, & ends up implementing the program of the big bourgeoisie since the petty bourgeois movement has no solutions for capitalism's crisis. A. Karmen.