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International audience ; This article sums up two of Giulia Simone's works. The first is an extract from her thesis: a biography of Alfredo Rocco - an eminent jurist and statesman who was Mussolini's Minister of Justice between 1925 and 1932. It points at the complexity of the political and cultural life story of this ideologist of the fascist state. The second is an article, published in the review Clio, which is the result of more specific research, done when she took part in a course followed in 2008 in the ICT (Identities - Cultures - Areas) laboratory at the University Paris Diderot - Paris 7 under the direction of Manuela Martini. It focuses on the actions taken by the representative of the Italian fascist state in the League of Nations and in its various cultural organizations in Paris and Geneva between 1925 and 1935. ; Cet article propose de faire le compte-rendu de deux travaux de Giulia Simone. Le premier est une biographie d'Alfredo Rocco - éminent juriste et homme d'État qui fut notamment Ministre de la Justice de Mussolini entre 1925 et 1932 - tirée de sa thèse. Elle cherche à restituer la complexité de l'itinéraire politique et culturel de l'idéologue de l'État fasciste. Le second est un article, publié dans la revue Clio, qui est le fruit de recherches plus ciblées réalisées dans le cadre d'un cours de perfectionnement suivi en 2008 au laboratoire ICT (Identités - Cultures - Territoires) de l'Université Paris Diderot - Paris 7 sous la direction de Manuela Martini. Il opère un focus sur l'action menée par le représentant de l'État fasciste italien au sein de la Société des Nations et de ses différents organismes culturels, à Paris et à Genève, entre 1925 et 1935.

International audience ; This article sums up two of Giulia Simone's works. The first is an extract from her thesis: a biography of Alfredo Rocco - an eminent jurist and statesman who was Mussolini's Minister of Justice between 1925 and 1932. It points at the complexity of the political and cultural life story of this ideologist of the fascist state. The second is an article, published in the review Clio, which is the result of more specific research, done when she took part in a course followed in 2008 in the ICT (Identities - Cultures - Areas) laboratory at the University Paris Diderot - Paris 7 under the direction of Manuela Martini. It focuses on the actions taken by the representative of the Italian fascist state in the League of Nations and in its various cultural organizations in Paris and Geneva between 1925 and 1935. ; Cet article propose de faire le compte-rendu de deux travaux de Giulia Simone. Le premier est une biographie d'Alfredo Rocco - éminent juriste et homme d'État qui fut notamment Ministre de la Justice de Mussolini entre 1925 et 1932 - tirée de sa thèse. Elle cherche à restituer la complexité de l'itinéraire politique et culturel de l'idéologue de l'État fasciste. Le second est un article, publié dans la revue Clio, qui est le fruit de recherches plus ciblées réalisées dans le cadre d'un cours de perfectionnement suivi en 2008 au laboratoire ICT (Identités - Cultures - Territoires) de l'Université Paris Diderot - Paris 7 sous la direction de Manuela Martini. Il opère un focus sur l'action menée par le représentant de l'État fasciste italien au sein de la Société des Nations et de ses différents organismes culturels, à Paris et à Genève, entre 1925 et 1935.

Un lavoro su Gaetano Salvemini deve necessariamente fare i conti, oltre che con la statura del personaggio e la vastità dell opera, anche con la rilevante letteratura che la sua figura ha saputo stimolare. I testi di Salvemini hanno sempre sollevato intensi dibattiti, indicando uno stile di pensiero, un metodo, e creando soprattutto un seguito e un influenza ancora oggi non sufficientemente riconosciuta in tutta la sua portata. È noto che dei suoi molti allievi alcuni raggiunsero una tal fama da oscurare nel tempo pure quella del maestro, fra gli altri Federico Chabod, Carlo Rosselli, Ernesto Rossi. La sua partecipazione attiva, come pubblicista e come deputato, alle turbolente vicende dell agone politico italiano della prima metà del Novecento, fu contrassegnata da una personale indipendenza che connotò, del resto, anche la sua vita intellettuale e accademica. Bersaglio di furiosi attacchi fascisti, bilanciati dall ammirazione dei colleghi, degli amici e degli studenti, non si piegò mai ad alcuna forma di compromesso, né in Italia, durante gli anni della militanza da pubblicista e da politico, né all estero, dove per circa un quarto di secolo gli furono offerti tra il 1925 e il 1933 asili di ripiego e precariato accademico a Parigi, a Londra e negli Stati Uniti, dove infine accettò la cattedra «Lauro De Bosis» in Storia della Civiltà italiana ad Harvard, e qui rimase dal 33 fino al rientro in Italia nel 1949. Di una così vasta trama di opere e di azioni ci sembrava necessario cogliere soprattutto quei momenti, snodi biografici e di pensiero, che segnano in Salvemini le più significative evoluzioni e mutamenti di prospettiva: pur all interno di una sostanziale continuità tra la storia e la politica la cui indagine merita una sistemazione organica non dettata da schemi antagonistici, che privilegiano ora l uno ora l altro periodo della sua vita, ora questa ora quella particolare opera. Parte non secondaria di questo tentativo di sistemazione organica ci è parsa la necessità di restituire Salvemini al panorama filosofico italiano: una restituzione che meno si nutre di un dialogo rimasto nel complesso scarno e diffidente, quanto di idee e riflessioni che dall'opera sorgono e all'opera ritornano in forma sia di scelte metodologiche che di selettività tematica, definendo il profilo di un positivista epistemologicamente aggiornato. In tale contesto, assecondando peraltro un ordine cronologico di esposizione cui in certo modo ci obbligava la centralità del nesso fra storia e politica, risultava ineludibile una analisi delle idee salveminiane sul metodo storico e il loro confronto con quelle dell'autorevolissimo amico, poi sempre più distante per ragioni ideologiche e impostazioni scientifiche, Benedetto Croce; tanto più quelle due visioni del sapere storico avrebbero informato l'attività di ricerca di molti delle migliori menti del firmamento intellettuale italiano nei decenni successivi. Ma il tempo delle riflessioni salveminiane sul mestiere dello storico diventa presto il tempo delle prime, robuste prove del pubblicista e del politico: nella vicenda della guerra italo-turca Salvemini, nei panni del giornalista e direttore de «L'Unità», denuncia le mistificazioni tripoline, stimola il dibattito tra le posizioni divergenti e conduce una campagna anticolonialista contro le prime forze italiane con intenti imperialistici; nell'importantissimo snodo elettorale del 1919, ispiratore e organizzatore del movimento di Rinnovamento ed eletto deputato, si trovò davanti agli interrogativi posti durante la Conferenza di pace di Parigi e alle questioni per lo più lasciate irrisolte dai tavoli delle trattative; mentre, quasi in parallelo Salvemini si occupa sia da storico che da politico della questione adriatica, offrendo un contributo che ancora appare esemplare per contenuti e metodo. Nell'intrecciarsi di storia e politica andava prendendo forma lo storico del presente, giunto a piena maturità nel Salvemini antifascista.

von Hans-Helmuth Knütter ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- Z 52.789-18/19

"The relationship between fascism und populism has scarcely been scrutinized on a social and ideological level. Rather, their common features are seen on a socio-psychological level (anti-Semitism, xenophobia, and a liking for conspiracy theories). In this essay it is argued that, firstly, fascism had no fully fledged ideology of its own, but stemmed from different, sometimes even contradictory sources. This entailed continuous compromising between different currents within the fascist power bloc, among them also populist aspirations. Secondly, populism as a thin ideology, encompassing anti-elitism, anti-modernism, and nativism, is not considered as a characteristic property of fascism itself, but as an undercurrent. The more fascism established itself as a regime, the more populists became marginalized, and sometimes even an oppositional force claiming a second wave and a return to the origins. They advocated a genuine 'people's state' or a real 'Volksgemeinschaft', whereas Mussolini's appeals to the people proved to be merely temporary instrumental moves in order to gain the approval of the masses. Furthermore, it is argued that the Italian populist 'Strapaese' can be compared with the German 'Völkische'. They both had an ambivalent attitude towards modernization and advocated not a technocratic, but an 'organic' path to modernization based on a holistic world-view. Last but not least, populists expected fascism to foster an elite circulation, bringing the 'sons of the people' into leading positions in the fascist regime. The relationship between the fascist regimes and populists finally turned out as a mutual disillusion." (author's abstract)

The vibrant political agenda that drove political and professional discussion in The Woman Teacher, the 'official organ' of the National Union of Women Teachers (NUWT)(1) was rooted in the Union's demand for equality on the same terms as men (King 1987: 35). The Woman Teacher challenged the view that a right to earn a living had been won as long as posts were closed to women and the statute book was 'littered up with restrictions which class women with non-adults' and contested Virginia Woolf's contention in Three Guineas that the word 'feminist' was obsolete (17 June 1938: 300). During the inter-war period The Woman Teacher encouraged NUWT members to create the will to peace through their work in schools. Stimulated by the deepening international crisis during the 1930s, the journal adopted an increasingly radical political stance towards internationalism, militarism and fascism. This chapter argues that articulations of internationalism, peace, imperialism and anti-fascism made visible dissent within views of the NUWT membership but also facilitated opportunities for journal editors to continue to shape the NUWT's egalitarian feminist message as the NUWT negotiated shifting understandings of feminism and rhetoric about married and single teachers linked with the pathologizing of spinsterhood (Oram 1996; Martin 2008).

How can we best understand contemporary reactionary movernents? What are the continuities and differences with classical fascism, what qualities are invariant,. what qualities are historically contingent? Marxian analyses, especially after the Second Internationale, critiqued capitalism from the standpoint of wage labor. But Fascism was far more than a response to unemployment, it was a complex political outcome of historical legacies. cultural traditions, the pre-fascist political economy, and its class structure. class relationships and class contradictions reflected in voting patterns and the kinds of social movements. Last, but not least, certain patterns of individual character structure, qua authority, and its expressions in personal identities held a cultural and psychic affinity for fascism, This was a central concern for the Frankfurt School of Critical Theory (cf Smith 1992).

The inability of reformist socialism to cape with the rise of fascism and the Great Depression led to a significant challenge by neo-socialists.In Belgium, this challenge was led by De Man and Spaak. In 1933, the POB accepted De Man's Plan as its program of action; in 1935 it entered into the Van Zeeland government. Although in many ways, theneos showed greater understanding of the nature of advanced capitalist society than the orthodox reformists, they displayed an alarming tendency to try to preempt fascism by emulating certain fascist positions.De Man and Spaak broke with socialist internationalism and collective security. De Man became convinced of the bankruptcy of democratic institutions and of the democratic states. This attitude ultimately led him from neutralism to collaboration, in the belief that fascism was indeed the wave of the future.

Este trabajo tiene por objeto el análisis de la propaganda republicana y obrera en España tras el golpe de Estado del 18 de julio de 1936 y el estallido de la guerra civil. En este estudio se destaca sobre todo la importancia de la representación del «enemigo» en la construcción de una «cultura de guerra», señalándose los principales procedimientos semánticos y discursivos que empleó la prensa al respecto. ; The purpose of this paper is to analyze the republican and worker propaganda in Spain after the coup d'État of July 18, 1936 and the outbreak of the civil war. This study highlights above all the importance of the representation of the "enemy" in the construction of a "culture of war", pointing out the main semantic and discursive procedures used by the press in this regard.

Este trabajo tiene por objeto el análisis de la propaganda republicana y obrera en España tras el golpe de Estado del 18 de julio de 1936 y el estallido de la guerra civil. En este estudio se destaca sobre todo la importancia de la representación del «enemigo» en la construcción de una «cultura de guerra», señalándose los principales procedimientos semánticos y discursivos que empleó la prensa al respecto. ; The purpose of this paper is to analyze the republican and worker propaganda in Spain after the coup d'État of July 18, 1936 and the outbreak of the civil war. This study highlights above all the importance of the representation of the "enemy" in the construction of a "culture of war", pointing out the main semantic and discursive procedures used by the press in this regard.

The article presents a discussion on the conditions of the emergence of "bolsonarism" in the recent Brazilian historical process. From the debates on European fascism in the first half of the 20th century and on neo-fascism today, as well as the analyzes on "bourgeois autocracy", formulated by the sociologist Florestan Fernandes, an analytical framework to approach Bolsonaro, the movement around him and his government is presented.

La controverse sur les origines françaises du fascisme a donc resurgi. Zeev Sternhell persiste et signe : la France est bel et bien le berceau intellectuel du fascisme et le colonel de La Rocque son prophète 1 . Les contestataires de cette idée seraient tous mus par des réflexes plus ou moins nationalistes ; tenants d'une thèse dite « immunitaire », ils s'imagineraient que leur pays aurait été insensible à la contamination fasciste.

<p>O artigo analisa a natureza do governo Bolsonaro, da sua base social de apoio mais ativa e da crise política que lhe deu origem. Polemiza com a bibliografia clássica e atual sobre o fascismo e, operando com um conceito de fascismo inserido na tradição marxista, caracteriza o governo e sua base social como (neo)fascistas. Sustenta a necessidade de construir uma tipologia das crises políticas nas sociedades capitalistas e procura mostrar que a natureza e a dinâmica da crise política brasileira de 2015-2018 são típicas da crise política que dá origem ao fascismo. Insere o bolsonarismo no contexto da democracia ainda existente no Brasil, que caracteriza como uma democracia burguesa em crise.</p><p><strong>THE BRAZILIAN PATH TO FASCISM</strong><br /><br />The article analyzes the nature of the Bolsonaro Government, its most active social base of support, and the political crisis that gave rise to it. It polemizes with the classical and current bibliography on fascism and, operating with a concept of fascism embedded in the Marxist tradition, characterizes the government and its social base as (neo)fascists. It argues for the need to develop a typology of political crises in capitalist societies, showing that the nature and dynamics of the 2015-2018 Brazilian political crisis are typical of the political crisis that gives rise to fascism. Finally, it places bolsonarismo in the context of the democracy still existing in Brazil, which it characterizes as a bourgeois democracy in crisis.</p><p>Keywords: Brazilian Politics. Bolsonaro Government.Neo-fascism. Political Crisis.</p><p><strong>LE CHEMIN BRÉSILIEN VERS LE FACISME</strong></p><p>L'article analyse la nature du gouvernement Bolsonaro, sa base sociale de soutien la plus active et la crise politique qui les a engendrés. Il polémique avec la bibliographie classique et actuelle sur le fascisme et, opérant avec un concept de fascisme ancré dans la tradition marxiste, caractérise le gouvernement et sa base sociale comme (néo) fascistes. Il soutient le besoin de développer une typologie des crises politiques dans les sociétés capitalistes et entend montrer que la nature at dynamique de la crise politique brésilienne de 2015-2018 sont typiques de celle qui donne naissance au fascisme. Il place le bolsonarisme dans le contexte de la démocratie existant encore au Brésil, qu'il caractérise comme une démocratie bourgeoise en crise.</p><p>Mots-clés: Politique Brésilienne. Gouvernement Bolsonaro. Néofascisme. Crise Politique.</p>