Suchergebnisse

Within the last twenty or so years a lot has changed in bioethics that is worthy of a serious re-writing of its history. Namely, up to the end of the 20th century Anglo-American "biomedical ethics" (often borrowing the name "bioethics" coined by V. R. Potter but deliberately ignoring Potter's concept), launched from Georgetown University and narrowed down to four principles, was a globally predominant doctrine, propagated by the Kennedy Institute of Ethics, its students, financial resources, and political power. Up to then, most of Europe had been very slowly accepting the notion of "bioethics", perceiving it correctly as an unnecessary American "import", while attempts to Europeanise the idea by revising the set of principles had not proven to be particularly successful. With the discovery of the work of Fritz Jahr in 1997, however, European bioethics regained its lost genealogy and found the courage to claim respect for values other than the American ones. Within the bioethics defined by the Jahrian "Imperative", a place could have been found not only for the colourful, philosophical, religious and cultural legacy of Europe, but also for the newly evaluated Potter's work. This "fusion", a substantial and methodological deepening and broadening of the discipline, soon revealed its attractiveness to Latin-American and Asian centres and individuals also. Today we can talk with certainty about the end of "bioethics in Europe" and the beginning of "European bioethics" with all the complexity and interdependence of its variations – Mediterranean, German, French, Central and Eastern European, and others. By finding similarities among them, we might eliminate fear from "insurmountable" moral relativism, but also avoid the mistake of understanding global bioethics as a list of national bioethics. For the sake of constructing a more "universal bioethics", this paper finds the ideas of Fritz Jahr, Van Rensselaer Potter, Diego Gracia Guillén, and integrative bioethics as promoted by several Southeast-European authors, as ...

Povećanje stope kriminala dovodi do povećanja osjećaja straha i tjeskobe u društvu i narušavanja društvenog poretka i sklada u zemlji. U posljednjim desetljećima mnogi znanstvenici opisuju pad gospodarskih čimbenika kao što su BDP po glavi stanovnika, stope nezaposlenosti, siromaštvo itd., kao primarni pokretači kriminala kako u razvijenim tako i u zemljama u razvoju. Čak i tijekom razdoblja gospodarskih kriza, stopa kriminala u Europskoj uniji (EU) nastavila je opadati ili ostaje ista, dovodeći u pitanje utjecaj ekonomskih čimbenika na stopu kriminala u EU. U radu se ispituje utjecaj promjenjivih gospodarskih uvjeta na stopu kriminala u zemljama EU-a uz primjenu danas široko korištenih ekonomskih metoda za rješavanje problema endogenosti. Cilj je rada empirijski procijeniti odnos između stope kriminala i ekonomskih čimbenika, koristeći prethodno razvijene metode. Nakon niza provjera robusnosti, procjene nisu pružile dokaz značajne povezanosti između ekonomskih uvjeta i stope kriminala tijekom posljednjeg desetljeća u zemljama EU-a, osim ubojstava u nekim specifikacijama modela. ; Higher crime rates lead to the increasing fear and anxiety in society and disturb the social structure and harmony in the country. In the last decades, many scientists depict a decrease in economic factors, such as GDP per capita, unemployment rate, poverty, etc. as the primary drivers of crime both in developed and in developing countries. Even during the periods of economic crises, crime rates in the European Union (EU) continued to either decline or remain the same, thus bringing into question the impact of economic factors on crime rates in the EU. The paper examines the impact of changing economic conditions on crime rates in EU countries, employing nowadays vastly used methods in economics to address endogeneity. The aim of the paper is to empirically estimate the relationship between crime rates and economic factors, using previously developed methods. After a series of robustness checks, estimations did not provide evidence of a significant relationship between economic conditions and crime rates over the last decade in EU countries, except for homicides in some model specifications.

Štićene su osobe fizičke osobe zaštićene tjelesnom i tehničkom zaštitom, a osobita se briga pridaje štićenju vodećih političkih dužnosnika, kao i predstavnika najviših tijela vlasti. Poslovi tjelohranitelja moraju biti regulirani zakonom gdje će biti izričito navedeno ono bitno za uspješnu provedbu zahtjevnih poslova, a samo iznimni pojedinci mogu zadovoljiti potrebne uvjete posla. Društvo je u današnje vrijeme osobito izloženo političkom sukobljavanju i nasilju, te je potrebno posebnu brigu dati zaštiti vodećih političkih dužnosnika i predstavnika najviših tijela vlasti države. Svakako je najosjetljiviji trenutak u sveukupnom procesu nasilja dolazak počinitelja u konkretnu priliku da počini napad iz neposredne udaljenosti pogodnim oružjem. Kada dođe do ugrožavanja njihove sigurnosti postavlja se pitanje o učinkovitosti sustava sigurnosti u cijelosti. Atentati imaju isti učinak kao terorizam, a to znači da je krajnji cilj atentata kompatibilan s krajnjim ciljem i efektima. Primarni učinak izazivaju osjećaj straha, panike i nesigurnosti većeg broja ljudi što snažno utječe na djelovanje vlasti, a što je krajnji cilj političkog nasilja. Kad je riječ o državnicima, atentati su osjetljivi događaji koji mogu imati katastrofalne posljedice. Upravo je stoga kao tema ovog rada odabrana studija slučaja atentata na srbijanskog premijera Zorana Đinđića. Đinđić je pokušao reformirati i modernizirati Srbiju zbog čega je došao u sukob s radikalnim nacionalističkim krugovima. ; Protected persons are natural persons protected by physical and technical protection, and particular care is given to the protection of leading political officials as well as representatives of the highest authorities. Bodyguard jobs must be regulated by law, which will explicitly state what is essential for the successful execution of demanding jobs, and only exceptional individuals can meet the required job requirements. Today, the society is particularly exposed to political conflict and violence, and special care must be taken to protect leading political officials and representatives of the highest bodies of state power. Certainly the most sensitive moment in the overall process of violence is the arrival of the perpetrator in a concrete opportunity to commit an attack from close range with a suitable weapon. When their security is compromised, the question arises as to the effectiveness of the security system as a whole. Assassinations have the same effect as terrorism, which means that the end goal of the assassination is compatible with the end goal and effects. The primary effect is caused by the feeling of fear, panic and insecurity of a large number of people, which significantly influences the work of the authorities, which is the ultimate goal of political violence. When it comes to statesmen, assassinations are sensitive events that can have catastrophic consequences. That is why the case study of the assassination of Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic was chosen as the topic of this paper. Djindjic tried to reform and modernize Serbia, which led him to clash with radical nationalist circles.

Inkluzija je proces u kojem redovne osnovne škole i socijalno okruženje smanjuju prepreke za djecu s posebnim potrebama, što omogućava ravnopravno sudjelovanje sve djece u obrazovnom procesu. Područje obrazovanja djece i adolescenata s posebnim potrebama u Sloveniji pretrpjelo je velike promjene u posljednjih 20 godina. Zakonodavstvo usvojeno 2000. godine (Zakon o usmerjanju otrok s posebnimi potrebami, 2000) utvrdilo je uključivanje kao osnovno načelo u ovom području. Sukladno tome, povećava se broj djece i adolescenata s posebnim potrebama koji su uključeni u uobičajene oblike obrazovanja, također slijepih i slabovidnih. Osim toga, još uvijek postoje posebne obrazovne ustanove koje provode programe prilagođene djeci i adolescentima s posebnim potrebama. Inkluzija nije samo činjenica da je u učionicu ušao novi učenik koji je drugačiji i treba mu više pažnje. Umjesto toga, mora postojati pažljivo isplaniran projekt koji omogućava učenicima s posebnim potrebama da se integriraju u redovno obrazovanje. Uključivanje mora biti planirano i pripremljeno. Prije nekoliko godina učenica oštećenog vida bila je uključena u prvi razred naše škole. To je bio prvi primjer uključivanja djeteta s ovom vrstom deficita, prepreke ili poremećaja u našu školu. Za sve je stručne djelatnike u školi to bio značajan izazov, također prožet neizvjesnošću i strahom od nepoznatog. Inkluzija u Sloveniji osigurana je obrazovnim programom s prilagođenom provedbom i dodatnom stručnom pomoći, koji se provodi u svim osnovnim školama. Članak predstavlja praktični primjer uključivanja slabovidne učenice u redovnu osnovnu školu. ; Inclusion is a process in which the regular primary schools and the social environment reduce barriers for children with special needs, which enables equal participation of all children in the educational process. Over the past 20 years the field of education of children and adolescents with special needs in Slovenia has undergone major changes. Legislation adopted in 2000 (Zakon o usmerjanju otrok s posebnimi potrebami (Placement of Children with Special Needs Act), 2000) identified inclusion as a basic principle in this area. Accordingly, the number of children and adolescents with special needs who are included in the usual forms of education is increasing, including the blind and visually impaired. Besides, there are still special educational institutions that implement tailored programs for children and adolescents with special needs. Inclusion is not just the fact that a new student has come into the classroom, a student who is different and needs more attention. Instead, there must be a carefully planned project that allows the student with special needs to be integrated into regular education. Involvement must be planned and prepared. A few years ago, a student with impaired vision was included in the first grade of our school. It was the first example of the inclusion of a child with this type of deficit, obstacle or disorder in our school and for all professionals it was a considerable challenge, also imbued with uncertainty and fear of the unknown. Inclusion in Slovenia is provided by an educational program with customized implementation andadditional professional assistance, which is implemented at the majority of primary schools. This article presents a practical example of the inclusion of a visually impaired student in a regular primary school.

Ideja o nastanku jedne zajednice koja bi obuhvatila Europu seže daleko u prošlost, ali tek 1950. godine nastaju prvi koraci ka stvaranju Europske unije. Velika razaranja u ratovima nametnula su razmišljanja o tome kako nadići antagonizme među europskim državama. Nakon Drugog svjetskog rata, europske države shvaćaju da imaju zajedničke probleme i odlučuju se dobrovoljno udružiti u zajednicu kako bi stvorile bolju budućnost za nadolazeće generacije. Tako nastaje Europska zajednica za ugljen i čelik, koja se kasnije udružuje s Europskom ekonomskom zajednicom i Europskom zajednicom za atomsku energiju te se od 1993. godine formalno formira Europska unija pod tim nazivom. Sadrži veliki broj članica koje se povećavaju iz dana u dan. Osnovni cilj rada jest prikazati kakva je to zapravo bila ideja o osnivanju zajednica koje bi ujedinile Europu, kako je nastala Europska zajednica te kako se razvijala, prikazati ciljeve EU-a, kakve je promjene donijela u Europi te je li ispunila svoj prvobitni i najznačajniji cilj, a to je ujedinjenje Europe. ; The European Union represents the most significant segment of the European integration. The idea about its formation and the formation itself have a long history. In 1950, the French Foreign Minister – Robert Schuman, motivated by the need of establishing peace, presented a project as the beginning of the European federalization process or more clearly as the first step towards the European Federation. Under this influence, in 1952¸ European Coal and Steel Community was established. In the upcoming years, two more communities were founded – European Economic Community and European Community for Atomic Energy. The result of the cooperation and integration of these two communities is the European Union. Formally, it is established on the 1st of November, 1993 by the Maastricht Treaty. European Union is the result of a discussion on building the everlasting peace in this region. It was created as a consequence of fear from the internal and foreign threats to the safety of Europe. The main goals of the European integrations are: encouraging the balanced and tenable economic development; to confirm its identity on the international scene, especially by spreading common foreign and secure politics; to strengthen the protection of rights and interests of the citizens of its members by the introduction of the rights of Union citizenship; to develop a close cooperation in the field of judiciary and internal affairs. Political activities of the European Union can be seen in different spheres – from the health care and economics to the foreign affairs and defence politics. Depending on the development of every country individually, the organization of the European Union differs on different fields. European Union, as the organization that unites Europe and that represents an important segment in development of the international cooperation and the peacekeeping, has become a subject of a study and research of the international historiography. Today, the establishment and development of the European Union are being studied greatly, but also is a question whether it shows some indications of its disruption and disadvantages that could be the reasons of the EU falling apart. Therefore, thanks to many authors, a lot of work exists that talks about this. Is EU going to fall apart in the future - remains the question for which we will be able to find an answer only in days ahead of us.

Cilj rada je razjasniti pojam transcendentalno-aktivističke kreativnosti kao i razmotriti mogućnosti i preduvjete njezine realizacije u odgojno-obrazovnom procesu. Rad započinje opisom 'slike' prirode učenika koja se smatra potrebnom za praktičnu realizaciju ovog oblika kreativnosti. Pritom se naglašava činjenica ljudske nesvršenost i mogućnost kontinuiranoga razvoja. Kao metoda ostvarenja transcendentalno-aktivističke kreativnosti preuzima se dijalog shvaćen kao otvoreno iskazivanje i dijeljenja vlastitih misli, ideja i težnji s drugim ljudima bez skrivanja i straha od mogućih neuspjeha ili neugodnih iskustava. Budući da se institucionalizirani odgojno-obrazovni proces odvija u učionicama, opisuje se učionica kao zajednički prostor nade koji omogućava demokratsko angažiranje i borbu za promjene situiran u kontekstu širih zajedničkih prostora demokratskoga i aktivističkoga djelovanja. Demokratizacija učionica omogućava postavljanje socijalnih pitanja, prelaženje granica te kritičko propitivanje dominantnoga neoliberalnog diskursa te je stoga neophodan element aktivistički shvaćene kreativnosti. Dijalog kao sredstvo, i dijaloški pristup kao metoda kreativnog djelovanja, usmjereni su poništavanju efekata prevladavajućega elitističkog shvaćanja koje kreativnost prikazuje izoliranu od društva i namijenjenu posebno imaginativnim pojedincima. U radu se iskazuje stav kako nije vjerojatno da će u skoroj budućnosti doći do promjene dominantnoga shvaćanja kreativnosti u odgojno-obrazovnom procesu koje kreativnost promatra kao transformaciju postojećega. Razloge za ovakvo stanje nalazimo u dominantnom ekonomsko-političkom uređenju društva u cjelini, te odgojno-obrazovnoga sustava kao jednoga od društvenih podsustava. ; The aim of this paper is to clarify the notion of a transcendental-activist creativity as well as to consider the possibilities and preconditions for its realization in the educational process. The paper begins with the description of the 'image' of pupil's nature that is considered necessary for the practical realization of this form of creativity. The experience of human non-completion and the possibility of continuous development is emphasized. Dialogue, as a method of practical realization of transcendental-activist creativity, is understood as an open expression and sharing of one's own thoughts, ideas and aspirations with other people without hiding and fear of possible failures or unpleasant experiences. Since the institutionalized educational process takes place in the classrooms, the classroom is described as a shared space of hope which enables democratic engagement and struggle for changes in the context of the wider shared spaces of democratic and activist action. Democratization of classrooms, which is a necessary element of transcendental-activist creativity, creates a climate that sets the necessary conditions for discussion of social issues, crossing of preconceived boundaries and critical questioning of dominant neoliberal discourse. Dialogue as a medium and a dialogic approach as a method of creative agency is directed to the reversal of the effects of a traditional elitist concept of creativity that is treated isolated from a wider society and addressed exclusively to particularly talented individuals. The author feels that it is unlikely that in the near future a change in the dominant conception of creativity in the educational process will occur and therefor creativity will continue to be predominately defined a transformation of the existing. Reasons for this state of affair are situated in the dominant economic and political mode of organization of the society as a whole, and the educational system as a one of social subsystems.

Najvažniji izvor zapošljavanja su mala i srednja poduzeća, kojih nažalost više propadne nego uspije, što uzrokuje strah od poduzetništva. Cilj istraživanja bio je ustanoviti stope preživljavanja poduzeća u Republici Hrvatskoj i Europskoj uniji (EU), kako poduzetnici proživljavaju poslovni neuspjeh te kakva bi im stručna pomoć trebala da se što prije oporave i motiviraju za drugu poduzetničku šansu. Provedeno je istraživanje literature i sekundarnih izvora o demografiji poduzeća u EU i Republici Hrvatskoj te mjerama pomoći koje predlaže Europska komisija. Stopa preživljavanja poduzeća pet godina nakon osnivanja u EU je prosječno oko 20%, a u Hrvatskoj oko 18 %. Intervjuirano je šest hrvatskih poduzetnika koji su bar jednom preživjeli poslovni neuspjeh i odlučili pokušati ponovo. Uz nedovoljnu pripremljenost pothvata, neiskustvo i nedovoljna menadžerska znanja, kao uzrok propasti svojih poduzeća naveli su tešku ekonomsku situaciju i odlazak partnera. Preživjeli su koristeći podršku obitelji i dvojni proces žalosti što im je pomoglo umanjiti sekundarne izvore stresa. Kao pouku iz doživljenog neuspjeha navode strpljivost, upornost, ne odustajanje od svojih ciljeva, pronalaženje efikasnih rješenja, pozitivniji način razmišljanja, duhovni rast i novi sustav vrijednosti, što im je davalo motivaciju za drugu poduzetničku šansu. Učinkovita stručna pomoć morala bi se nastavljati na preventivne programe ranog upozorenja i zakonodavstvo koje bi poštenim poduzetnicima omogućilo što brži i bezbolniji stečaj. Stručna pomoć za vrijeme i nakon stečaja trebala bi biti poslovna, pravna i psihološko-duhovna, kao kombinacija informiranja, obrazovanja i osobnog savjetovanja. Morala bi se nadopunjavati podrškom obitelji i kolega poduzetnika koji su već prošli sličnu situaciju. ; The most important sources of employment are small and medium-sized businesses, which, unfortunately, tend to fail, causing fear of entrepreneurship. The aim of the research was to establish the survival rate of companies in Croatia and the EU, as entrepreneurs experience business failure, and to determine the professional assistance that would be required to recover and motivate them for a second entrepreneurial chance. A survey of the literature and secondary sources on enterprises demography in the EU and the Republic of Croatia was carried out, as well as the aid measures proposed by the European Commission. The survival rate of a company five years after its establishment in the EU is, on average, about 20%, and around 18% in Croatia. The six Croatian entrepreneurs that had been interviewed survived business failure at least once and decided to try again. Along with insufficiently prepared research, inexperience and insufficient managerial knowledge, they indicated difficult economic situation and departure of partners as reasons their companies collapsed. They survived with family support and by using the Dual Process Model of Grief, which helped them reduce secondary sources of stress. As the lessons learned from the experience of failure, they mention patience, persistence, not abandoning their goals, finding effective solutions, a more positive way of thinking, spiritual growth, and a new value system, providing them with motivation for a second chance. Effective expert assistance should continue through precautionary early warning programs and legislation, which would allow the bankruptcy to be as quick and as painless as possible for honest entrepreneurs. Expert assistance should be available during and after the bankruptcy. Specifically, business-related, legal, as well as psychological and spiritual assistance, as a combination of information, education and personal counseling. It should complement the support of their families and fellow entrepreneurs who have already been in a similar situation.

Tijekom jedanaest godina rada Hrvatski memorijalno-dokumentacijski centar Domovinskog rata prikupio je veliku količinu arhivskoga gradiva nastalog djelovanjem pojedinaca, odnosno javnog arhivskoga gradiva nastalog tijekom Domovinskog rata, a koje je završilo u posjedu privatnih osoba ili raznih udruga te kao takvo ustupljeno Centru. Riječ je o raznolikom gradivu, konvencionalnog i nekonvencionalnog karaktera, vojne i civilne provenijencije, čiji su stvaratelji bili pripadnici hrvatskih snaga, snaga Jugoslavenske narodne armije i pobunjenih Srba, civilne osobe, državni i vojni dužnosnici ili zainteresirani pojedinci. U radu će se prikazati osnovne značajke i vrste takvoga gradiva, načini akvizicije, postupak vrednovanja i pohrane te njegova dostupnost, historiografska vrijednost te sumirati stečena iskustva. ; For different reasons the important records from the period of the Homeland War were also kept or are still kept by the private holders, whether these records were created by institutions or individuals, associations and organizations. By acknowledging the importance of such records and the sensitivity in its acquiring the Croatian Memorial-Documentation Centre of the Homeland War has started to collect them ever since it was established in 2005. By establishing the Centre as the central institution for archival and scientific research of the Homeland War, the Centre is recognised in the public as a trustworthy institution to which everyone interested to hand over the records can turn to. The private holders of the archives from the Homeland War can be divided into those who are the creators of archives and those who in various ways became possessors of public archives. The Centre can acquire records of private holders in two ways; mostly through donations, and partly by purchasing records that are particularly valuable and that were created as someone's authorship. After acquiring, the records are registered, appraised and classified, after which they form individual fonds or they supplement existing fonds and collections. Among the conventional archives, besides military documentation, the Centre acquired various newspapers, magazines and official papers, military maps, political and military posters, caricatures etc. The majority of the acquired records were digitized, due to a more efficient storage and keeping, as well as the desire of holders to keep the originals. The majority of archives from private holders are unconventional records (photographs, video and audio clips), i.e. the re-recorded and digitized conventional records. The archives acquired from individual private holders were in terms of subject and quantity appraised as a rounded off whole and after the archival processing it was decided to form personal papers. By the end of 2016 the Centre had ten of them. Besides these, the Centre also stores memoirist records of private holders, whether it concerns records created by structured interviews or written entries of the direct participants of the Homeland War. The Centre published part of these in 17 books as part of its publishing activity. Also, several photo-monographs were published based on the received or bought photographs from the private holders. Among the private holders from which the Centre got the archives are also the historians-researchers who gave or deposited in the Centre the materials they used, after finishing a certain research or a book. The majority of the acquired and processed archives of private holders are available to researchers through fonds and collections of the Centre. The basic problem regarding the acquiring of the records of private holders pertains to certain indistinctness in the Act on the Archives and the ignorance of holders regarding their obligations prescribed by the law which entails relinquishing of the public archives to the Centre. Besides ignorance, some of the holders advertently kept these records in their keeping mostly out of fear of misuse and the negative perception of the activity of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. However, after the acquittal of the generals Gotovina and Markač in late 2012 and the greater public recognisability of the Centre, the inflow of archives from public holders has been increased. Another problem in acquiring records of this kind is the parallel activity of certain individuals and associations with similar archival activities. As far as arranging is concerned, due to the large quantities of acquired records and their stockpiling in the future it will be necessary to pay greater attention to their appraisal and disposal. Still, it could be said that the archives of the private holders prominently features in the Centre's professional archival policy and that so far the important amount of such records had been acquired. Despite certain difficulties concerning their processing, these records are an important source for archivists, researchers and historians, particularly for subjects that are wider than the more usual political and military ones.

Riječ uredništvaČlanstvo Republike Hrvatske u Europskoj uniji, sve veća globalizacija, kao i globalne klimatske promjene, utječu i na hrvatske šume i šumarstvo. Iako u EU, koja ima 43% površine pod šumom, ne postoji zajednička politika EU-a za šume u razdoblju od 2014. do 2020. godine, postojala je Nova strategija za šume: za šume i sektor koji se temelji na šumama. Europska komisija usvojila je i objavila u srpnju ove godine Novu EU strategiju za šume do 2030. Nova strategija se nadovezuje na Strategiju biološke raznolikosti EU do 2030. Smatra se ključnom za ostvarivanje ciljeva Europskoga zelenog plana, što podrazumijeva smanjenje emisija stakleničkih plinova za najmanje 55 % do 2030. i klimatske neutralnosti do 2050. godine. Pomaže i ispunjavanje ciljeva EU-a za povećanje uklanjanja CO2 prirodnim ponorima prema Zakonu o klimi. Strategijom se šumi, šumarima i sektoru koji se temelji na šumi daje središnja uloga u ostvarivanju tih ciljeva. Uz njihovu pomoć očekuje se europski prelazak na moderno, klimatski neutralno, resursno učinkovito i konkurentno gospodarstvo. Strategijom se želi dobiti zdravije, otpornije i bioraznolikije šume koje mogu ispuniti svoje socioekonomske i ekološke funkcije, osigurati opstanak stanovništva u ruralnim područjima, dakako i zapošljavanje te rekreacijske funkcije koje pridonose fizičkom i mentalnom zdravlju građana i na taj način postići najodrživije gospodarenje. Također se želi pomiriti potražnja i sječa šuma u granicama održivosti, postići optimalno korištenje šume s kaskadnim načelom, kao i kružno gospodarstvo. Kaskadno načelo već je ugrađeno u Strategiju EU za šume 2014. – 2020. U skladu s tim načelom drvo se koristi prema sljedećem redoslijedu prioriteta: 1. drvni proizvodi, 2. produljenje njihova vijeka trajanja, 3. ponovna uporaba, 4. recikliranje, 5. bioenergija i 6. odlaganje.Želi se strogo zaštititi sve primarne i stare šume. Europska komisija razvija smjernice o šumarstvu u skladu s prirodom te uključivanje u dobrovoljni program certificiranja "u skladu s prirodom". Potrebno je učiniti sve kako bi se sprječile štete povezane s klimom i povećala otpornost šuma.Strategija predviđa financijske poticaje za vlasnike i upravitelje šuma radi povećanja količine i kvalitete šuma u EU. Komisija je pozvala države članice da uspostave nove sheme plaćanja u okviru Zajedničke poljoprivredne politike. Kao jedan primjer javnih i privatnih programa plaćanja za usluge ekosustava navodi se i hrvatska naknada za korištenje općekorisnih funkcija šuma, koja je u domaćoj javnosti već godinama napadana kao jedan od većih parafiskalnih nameta i nažalost značajno smanjena te šumi više ne doprinosi kao nekada.Europska komisija očekuje što širu raspravu o budućnosti europskih šuma te uključivanje građana i zajednica u sadnju najmanje 3 milijarde dodatnih stabala do 2030. na temelju općeg načela sadnje i rasta pravog stabla na pravom mjestu i u pravu svrhu. Ipak se prirodna sukcesija napuštenih ruralnih područja smatra glavnom silom za povećanje šumskih područja u EU. Donesen je i Plan djelovanja Komisije za provedbu obveze sadnje 3 milijarde dodatnih ­stabala do 2030., a isti se treba početi odvijati od prvog ­tromjesečja 2022. godine. Sve aktivnosti bit će stalno promovirane i praćene, što je ključno za praćenje napretka u postizanju cilja.Na strategiju je bilo osvrta i sa strane korisnika drvne sirovine koji strahuju od smanjenja količina za korištenje, ali i sa strane pobornika veće zaštite okoliša koji smatraju da strategija nije dovoljno jasna i s razrađenim kriterijima praćenja ostvarenja. Već sljedeće godine vidjet će se koliko će usvojene smjernice Europske komisije olakšati provedbu strategije i koliko će utjecati na različite dionike vezane uz šume.Uredništvo ; EditorialThe membership of the Republic of Croatia in the European Union, increasing globalisation and global climate change have a lasting effect on Croatian forests and forestry. Although 43 % of the EU's land area is covered by forests, there was no common EU forest policy for the 2014 – 2020 period. Instead, there was a New Forest Strategy: for forests and the forest-based sector. The European Commission adopted and published a New EU Forest Strategy for 2030 in July of this year. The new strategy continues on the EU Biological Diversity Strategy for 2030. A core part of the European Green Deal, it anticipates a reduction of greenhouse gas emissions by at least 55 % by 2030 and a climate-neutral continent by 2050. It also helps meet EU targets to increase CO2 removal through natural sinks under the Climate Act. The strategy gives forests, foresters and the forest-based sector a central role in meeting these targets. With their help, a European transition to a modern, climate-neutral, resource-efficient and competitive economy is expected. The Strategy aims to obtain healthier, more resilient and biodiverse forests that can fulfil their socio-economic and environmental functions, enable the survival of the population in rural areas, ensure employment, as well as provide recreational functions that contribute to physical and mental health of citizens, thus achieving highly sustainable management. It also aims to reconcile the demand for wood and felling of forests within the limits of sustainability, to achieve optimal use of forests on the cascading principle, as well as a circular economy. The cascading principle has already been incorporated in the EU Forest Strategy for 2014 – 2020. In accordance with this principle, wood is used in the following order of priority: 1. wood products, 2. extension of their shelf life, 3. reuse, 4. recycling, 5. bioenergy, and 6. disposal. The focus is on strict protection of all primary and old forests. The European Commission is developing guidelines on forestry in harmony with nature and inclusion in a voluntary certification programme "in harmony with nature". Every effort should be made to prevent climate-related damage and increase forest resilience.The Strategy sets financial incentives for forest owners and administrators to improve the quantity and quality of EU forests. The Commission has called on member states to adopt new financial schemes within the Common Agricultural Policy. An example of public and private payment programmes for ecosystem services is the Croatian tax levied for non-market forest functions, which has been attacked by the domestic public for years as one of the major parafiscal levies. It has consequently been considerably reduced and does not contribute beneficially to forests as it used to.The European Commission expects a broad discussion on the future of European forests and invites citizens and communities to embrace the pledge to plant at least 3 billion additional trees by 2030 on the basis of the guiding principle: plant and grow the right tree, in the right place, for the right purpose The natural succession of abandoned rural areas is seen as the driving force in the effort to increase forest areas in the EU. The Commission's Action Plan for the implementation of the pledge to plant 3 billion additional trees by 2030 has also been adopted, and the activities should start in the first quarter of 2022. All the activities will be constantly promoted and monitored, which is crucial for monitoring the progress as the planting project unfolds.The strategy has been reviewed by users of wood raw material, who fear the reduction of quantities for use, but also by supporters of stricter environmental protection, who criticize the strategy for not being sufficiently clear and for lacking detailed guidelines for monitoring the achievement. As early as next year we will see to what extent the adopted guidelines of the European Commission will facilitate the implementation of the strategy and how much it will affect the various stakeholders related to forests. Editorial Board

Migracijski val od 2014. do 2016. u kojem je velik broj djece i majki iz država Sjevernog trokuta na putu prema krajnjem odredištu SAD-u bio u tranzitu Meksikom okarakteriziran je krizom. Kriza je podrazumijevala postojanje prijetnje koja opravdava provođenje izvanrednih mjera. Teza rada je da pod utjecajem SAD-a Meksiko migrante u tranzitu smatra prijetnjom sigurnosti građanima Meksika, a ne ugroženim pripadnicima istoga kulturnoga kruga koje treba zaštititi. Stoga se prema njima ne odnosi u skladu s ciljem ljudske sigurnosti, već primjenjuje silu. Rad predstavlja studiju slučaja. U prvom odjeljku dani su prikaz vrsta migracija i poimanje migracija u kontekstu ljudske i građanske sigurnosti, dok su u drugom analizirani potisni i privlačni faktori migracija iz država Sjevernog trokuta. U trećem odjeljku prikazana je politika tranzitne države Meksika prema ilegalnim migrantima. U radu je izložen sud o migracijskoj politici Meksika prema migrantima u tranzitu. Zaključeno je da je iz perspektive ljudske sigurnosti politika bila »loša« jer je bila diskriminirajuća i u neskladu s kulturno-političkim kontekstom te moralnim i zakonskim normama. No gledano iz perspektive nacionalne sigurnosti politika je bila »dobra« jer je bila ostvariva, postigla je rezultate uz prihvatljiv trošak ljudi i sredstva i njome su obranjeni državni interesi Meksika – dobri odnosi sa SAD-om. ; This article will attempt to answer two questions; first, in what way did the Government of Mexico attempt to resolve the influx of a large number of migrants, children and family members, from the Northern Triangle countries (Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras) who were transiting Mexico on their way to the United States in the 2014–2016 period? Second, why have migrants continued to arrive even after the adoption of the Mexican Programa Frontera Sur (PFS) of 2014, which was supposed to resolve the migration crisis and put an end to arrests and deportation? At the same time, the article will try to assess, according to Haines (2013), whether the Mexican post-2014 migration policy has been "good" (in line with the political and cultural context, achievable and effective with acceptable costs of staff and resources), or "bad" (discriminatory and incompatible with existing moral and legal norms). The thesis of the article is that under the influence of the United States, Mexico is treating migrants in transit as a security threat, rather than as members of the same cultural circle who require protection. So, instead of helping them, Mexico uses coercion to suppress them. While traditional threats are endangering the survival of the state, new threats to the state are also endangering individuals. The article consists of an introduction, three sections and a conclusion. The first section will provide an explanation of the relationship between migration and security (traditional national security and human security). The second section analyses the pull-and-push factors of migration from the Northern Triangle countries. This is followed by Mexico's transit policy towards illegal migrants, which is discussed in the third section. Case study research was used as a methodological strategy. The migration wave in the 2014–2016 period, consisting of many children and mothers from the Northern Triangle states transiting through Mexico on their way to the United States, was characterised as a crisis. A crisis implies the existence of a threat justifying the imposition of extraordinary measures. The issue of migrants in transit through Mexico was no novelty. Since the late 1980s, under the pressure of the United States, Mexico has been deporting migrants in transit back to their countries of origin. As Mexico has increasingly associated with the United States, there has emerged a growing need for greater compliance with "American requirements" and for the understanding of "American fears" of illegal migrants. After 11 September 2001, the fear became almost paranoid. Mexican presidents Fox, Calderon, and Nieto brought about and implemented a restrictive migration policy in line with the US policy, according to which migrants posed a threat to national security. Although repeatedly emphasising its intention to protect the migrants in transit, Mexico militarised and securitised its migration policy. This was particularly apparent after the 2014 Frontera Sur programme, which applied the same methods – arrest, deportation and denial of asylum – to the vulnerable population of women and children who largely satisfied the criteria for refugee status recognition. The PFS emphasised the intent to protect migrants, to better manage border crossings and to create security and prosperity zones in the south of the country. However, after two years of the programme's implementation it can be concluded that none of the objectives above have been achieved. Indeed, migrants in transit are additionally exposed to strife, suffering, and violations of their fundamental human rights, both by criminal organisations and the forces of law and order. Therefore, their transit has become much more uncertain than it was before. At the same time, human rights are violated by the state of Mexico itself, which denies migrants the right to asylum or recognition of humanitarian visas. The border in the south of the country has not become more secure. That PFS complies with US interests is apparent from the fact that the United States is its main source of funding, since it has managed to link the combat against drugs and migrants in transit via the Merida Initiative. The question is why have migrants continued to arrive despite everything mentioned above? It was their hope that somehow, they would reach the USA or, in the worst case, remain in Mexico. The most elementary human right, the right to life, is endangered in the countries of the Northern Triangle. In addition to personal insecurity, there are other human security threats in Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador forcing the citizens to flee and emigrate from political, economic, environmental, and health and food insecurity. With everything being said, it is not easy to evaluate the Mexican migration policy. From a perspective of human security, it was "bad" because it was discriminatory and incompatible with the cultural and political context, as well as with moral and legal norms. Evaluated from a national security perspective, it was "good" because it was achievable, it has yielded results with an acceptable cost of staff and resources and has achieved state interests – good relations with the United States. At the same time, it is one of the tools Mexico can use in the future if Trump should decide against Mexican interests (significant taxing of Mexican products or deporting the many Mexican citizens illegally residing in the United States). Since Mexico, Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador belong to the same cultural (historical, religious and linguistic circle), it was presumed that Mexico would pursue a policy that favours migrants and their protection; however, that did not happen. The authors agree with Kimball (2007: 140) that in the long run, Mexico will not be able to simultaneously advocate and implement both the pro- and anti-immigrant policy. The problem of the migrant wave, mostly consisting of mothers and children from the Northern Triangle countries, who were in transit through Mexico during 2014–2016, was attempted to be resolved via securitisation rather than care about their security. Castles de Haas and Miller (2014: 5) state that in the case of Mexico, there is a proliferation of migration transition, since it is turning from an emigration into an immigration country. To be more specific, with Trump coming to power, Mexico is increasingly not just a transit country, but also an ultimate destination country. Trump's immigration policy regarding immigrants from Central America suffers from deep historical amnesia related to the role of the USA in the Central American conflict of the 1980s, which has significantly destabilised the region. Moreover, Trump denounces and demonises as dangerous criminals the families, women and children, who have fled from violence contributed to by the USA (Portillo Villeda and Miklos, 2017: 53–54). This is one of the reasons the number of arrested migrants from Central America on the southern border of the United States has significantly decreased, but the number of asylum seekers in Mexico has increased threefold. There is a hope that new Mexican president Andrés Manuel López Obrador would perceive vulnerable Northern Triangle migrants more as a threat to human rather than national security.

Utemeljen na polazištima kritički orijentiranih sigurnosnih studija i studija terorizma, rad propituje metodološke, epistemološke pa i ontološke aspekte fenomena državnog terorizma. Tvrdi se kako je državni terorizam sustavno zanemareno područje znanja o terorizmu, iako je empirijski vrlo evidentan fenomen. U prvom dijelu rada propituje se klasična i suvremena politološka, sociološka, pravna i filozofska misao važna za razumijevanje države, sigurnosti, terorizma i državnog terorizma. Počevši od Weberove definicije države kao nositeljice monopola na nasilje i njegova koncepta razlikovanja vladavine (Herrschaft) i sile (Macht) tvrdi se da monopol na silu ne podrazumijeva korištenje svakog oblika sile i da država ne može biti ekskulpirana u situacijama kada koristi silu koja ima sva obilježja terorizma. Upravo za ključnim obilježjima terorizma traga se u drugom dijelu rada gdje se analizira postojeće znanje o terorizmu i državnom terorizmu. Na temelju postojećih definicija koje čine bazu od ukupno 373 definicije, sadržajnom i frekvencijskom analizom, dolazi se do operacionalne definicije terorizma i državnog terorizma. Izlučenih šest konstitutivnih elemenata terorizma ukazali su da je državni terorizam organizirana upotreba sile i nasilja ili prijetnja upotrebom nasilja kojom se posredstvom intencionalnog širenja straha odnosno terora, a na temelju anticipiranih reakcija širih psiholoških učinaka, nastoje ostvariti politički ciljevi, a kojega provodi i/ili sponzorira država. U fokusiranoj studiji s mnogo slučajeva u trećem dijelu analizira se državni terorizam na empirijskim primjerima dvadeset i jedne države (N=21). Slučajevi su selektirani na stogodišnjem dijakronijskom kontinuumu, počevši od 1914. godine i sarajevskog atentata na austro-ugarskog prijestolonasljednika Franju Ferdinanda pa do recentnih primjera protuterorističkih politika. Kroz povijesnu perspektivu, komparativnom metodom uz primjenu dizajna najrazličitijih slučajeva, potvrđena je polazna pretpostavka: terorizam jest ciljno racionalno sredstvo za postizanje političkih ciljeva država i njegova je pojavnost neovisna o tipu političkog režima. Kvalitativna i kvantitativna obilježja državnog terorizma nerijetko se razlikuju kako između tako i unutar triju poduzoraka (režima), no usprkos kontekstualnim razlikama, može se utvrditi da je u totalitarnim režimima državni terorizmu ekstremnih razmjera i predstavlja važnu polugu vladavine, dok je u autoritarnima, a napose u demokratskima riječ o fokusiranijem državnom nasilju, najčešće sa specifičnim oblicima djelovanja. ; The basis of this doctoral work rests on the fact that the state terrorism is ignored in the context of mainstream security and terrorism knowledge. Security studies as well as rapidly growing terrorism studies are predominantly focused on non-state terrorism. Critical voices which indicating the importance of the state terrorism phenomenon have emerged in the mid-1990s. Based on the starting points of critically oriented security studies and terrorism studies, this work analyzes the methodological, epistemological and even ontological aspects of the phenomenon of state terrorism. It is argued that the state terrorism is systematically neglected area of knowledge, although it is very evident phenomenon. In the first part of this doctoral work the classical and the contemporary political, social, philosophical thought and jurisprudence important for the understanding of the state security, terrorism and state terrorism have been examined. Max Weber's concept of the state and difference between legitimate domination (Herrschaft) and coercive power (Macht) in the exercise of sovereign state functions is at the center of theoretical discussions. We claim that this distinction remained outside of much Western scholarship. Their concepts are based on logic of what the state and its relations to society should be not what it is. In contrast to this mainstream normative oriented model we examine the empirical reality which is laden of state terrorism examples. Therefore, the second part of this work is dedicated to analysis of existing knowledge about terrorism and state terrorism. The emphasis is on the definitions of terrorism, so for this purpose the database of 373 terrorism definitions was constructed. Definitions collected from the scientific and academic sources, the expert sources, the available official sources of various institutions and organizations, news, etc. were subjected to content and frequency analysis. Those analyses indicated six key elements used for defining state terrorism, which is relevant to the selection of empirical cases. It is found that the state terrorism is the use of organized force and violence or threat to use violence as a means of intentional spreading fear and terror based on the anticipated reactions of broader psychological effects which seeks to achieve political objectives and which is conducted and/or sponsored by the state. It is not an ideology, but the strategy and tactic that can be used by all, including the states. Despite the fact that the most of the definitios are actor-neutral and that their contents coincide, there is no unified definition. According to such understanding, the third part is a focused study with a lot of cases (N=21) where the unit of analysis was state terrorism and analytical sub-units were states (cases) selected from the one century time span (1914th-2014th) complemented with the most recent cases (until the end of 2016th). Thus, it is a diachronic analysis (cross-historical analysis). Since the selected cases differ in several relevant independent variables (social, economic, geographic, cultural) the comparative analysis is based on the most different systems research designs. The basic criterion of comparison was the regime (totalitarian, authoritarian and democratic) in accordance with the tipology of Juan Linz. The main aim of such typology and case selection was to test the general thesis: terrorism is an integral instrument of state action that occurs in all types of political regimes and which states used/use as a form of rational choice to achieve their goals. The third part includes political and sociological analysis of primary and secondary sources for each case (state). The analysis of state terrorism included Italy during Mussolini, Nazi Germany, Lenin and Stalin Russia/Soviet Union, communist Poland, Mao Zednog's China, North Korea regime and Idi Amin's Uganda as a totalitarian regimes. The second group of states are, according to Linz proposal, authoritarian regimes. Here is a Serbian example of state sponsored terrorism in Sarajevo 1914 and assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand. Another example is Yugoslavia from the mid of 1960 even if it is not purely clear is it predominantly totalitarian or authoritarian regime. Other examples are the rule of Francisco Franco in Spain, death squad in Argentina, Gaddafi's Libya, the rule of Shah Reza Pahlavi in Iran and Suadi Arabia sponsoring of terrorism. Within a democratic cluster the United States of America, Israel, United Kingdom, France, Russian Federation, modern Turkey and Macedonia were analysed. The main findings in turn suggest that the state terrorism was/is practiced in totalitarian, authoritarian and democratic systems, was/is used in war or peace, was/is used by the rich and the poor countries of different cultural, political, economic, geographic and other features. In other words, terrorism is an universal form of state action, but the specific context of each of the analyzed cases does not provide the right to generalize or compare countries according to the basic independent variables - the type of regime. Divided societies and various social cleavages like political (ideological), ethnic, cultural, language, religious, economic and other are evident in the most of the internal state terrorism cases. Although the contexts of countries are quite heterogeneous, in each case analyzed rationality is a common feature of state terrorism. Statet are trying to achieve political goals in the most effective way, what is decisively for using a specific form of violence or threats of violence that we call terrorism. Although it is one of the most frequently used terms in the social sciences, it is evident that terrorism is not conceptually cleared. It is deeply socially constructed concept which depends on a variety of interests. This also affects the contemporary counterterrorism policy. Within the science and policy, terrorism is predominantly viewed as a war and/or criminal. Terrorism is not treated as a phenomenon that is generated from the political area and counterterrorism policies do not target the real causes of terrorism. The perspective of terrorism as a war and crime which is imposed by politics that cooperates with science, leads to a spiral of violence. Illegal and immoral state counterterrorism actions lead to the even more brutal reactions of non-state groups. This trend is especially noticeable from September 9/11 when the "war on terror" started. From this moment it is especially evident that in the name of national security, the degradation of democratic values and endangering human rights and civil liberties have begun. This is best reflected in the new security policies, counterterrorism laws and the state of emergency institute. Also, the democratic deficits are obvious in the examples of interventions in other countries. Illegal character of the war in Iraq shows that international law is not a guarantee nor law nor justice. Those are some contemporary examples of state illegal actions which could be classified as state terrorism in democratic states, but the history is full of state terrorism evidence. Totalitarian and authoritarian regimes in the 20th century, as well as some actual examples, suggesting that the scientific community is biased and ignores the important historical facts as well as contemporary trends. By securitization of terrorism concept, the state harnessed science to its own interest – first of all creating counterterrorism policies. Instrumented science can act only within the limits defined by the state. The main characteristic of the joint state and scientific activity is hypocrisy where identical phenomena do not have identical names. State and science are taking a morally superior position, so state terrorist actions are called "necessary security measures", and terrorism as a pejorative term is reserved only for non-state actors. Further scientific and political ignoring of state terrorism topic, denying a unique definition of terrorism, refusing the recognition of state crimes that fall into the category of terrorism and insistence on counterterrorism as war strategy only feeds the modern evil of non-state terrorism. As long as there is not a change of paradigm in which the force will be firmly under the auspices of the law and policy of double standards will not exist, it is not realistic to expect that the state will eliminate the problem of contemporary non-state terrorism.

Autor pokazuje kako se stil Božidarevićeva slikarstva može analizirati kao reprezentativna građa za povijest dubrovačkog društva1500-tih godina, premda se Nikola ustezao od prodornijeg promatranja svog unutarnjeg svijeta i onog vanjskog koji ga je okruživao, dočim se moglo očekivati (obzirom na njegov temperament i budući da je radio po narudžbi kapetana i trgovaca globe-trottera) da mu slike budu proviđene s više detalja onodobne vidljive stvarnosti. ; He signed himself in brush strokes only twice as: Nicolaus Rhagusinus, Nicolo Raguseo- Nikola of Dubrovnik - once in a marble medallion under the arm of Gabriel in the middle of the Annunciation, which he painted in 1513 forthe Đorđić family, the second time at the foot of the Virgin's throne on the main altar retable in the Church of Our Lady of Dance, his last work (1517). This name, until the archival discovery of his Croatian family name, fired the imagination of those researching Dubrovnik Renaissance art and even became a kind of myth. To call himself Rhagusinus in the middle of Dubrovnik undoubtedly meant a self-confident declaration vis a vis his artistic contemporaries- especially Mihajlo Hamzić and Vicko, the son of Lovro Dobričević,and even perhaps in relation to his own father whose workshop he had just left. When we stand today in front of polyptychs of this kind (which, when preserved in full, amaze us by the perfect balance of their general composition) we rarely think that they were created as bricolage. Immediately after Nikola's return from Italy he, and his father Božidar Vlatković received several very large orders. In 1495 they were given a contract for the retable of the main altar of the Franciscan church in Cavtat. The church authorities required that the central composition and figures on the left side should be composed according to the pattern of a polyptych executed almost half a century earlier by Matko Junčić in the church of the Minorite Friars in Dubrovnik, while figures on the right side were to be done according to the pattern of another altar in the same church. The saints in the upper part of the polyptych, shown down to the waist, were to be done after Junčić also, and only the central Pieta according to an earlier painting by Božidarević. The same is true of their style. Experts have very easily "reduced" Božidarević's work into the style and themes found in the Crivelli brothers and Vittore Carpaccio. But Božidarević obviously also knew the fresco paintings of Perugino and Pinturichio in the Vatican palace (Appartamento Borgia)and elsewhere in Rome where his brush may, according to Vladimir Marković, have indeed been involved. The form of a polyptych (like the form of a sonnet) helps in the construction of a figural composition, in a rationally and symmetrically balanced composition. It equalizes lighting, concentrates sight and attention: even when its constructional elements are removed, which make the composition of a polyptych, it continues to make an invisible effect for a long time. By 1500 the form of the polyptych which the "Dubrovnik School of Painting" retained until the end had become a Procrustean bed. It did not allow figures to be shown in a natural context, to be enlivened by being shown with real appurtenances, nor for any relaxation of stiff postures, or any easier breathing. Thus in Božidarević's paintings the representation of real life and the movement of the real world is only found in miniatures, on the borders of polypthychs, in "footnotes" on individual articles or when we study details "microscopically". In fact it is drapery which is the most convincing and arresting and almost tactile element of Božidarević's painting. Just as we perceive the bustle of the harbour on the model of Dubrovnik held by St Blasius so too he was fully aware of the richness of the materials which were produced at this time in Dubrovnik. Cloth was as important as salt for the trade of Dubrovnik and was a very tangible asset in the consciousness of the city. It may be paradoxical but it is accurate to say that Božidarević did not paint portraits (using patterns of characters) but portrayed materials in which his saints were clothed. It is of significance in this context that the most outstanding assistant in his workshop for which in 1507 he rented a whole floor in one of the mansions on Placa, suitable because of its good light - was Marin Kriješić who is recorded in one of the archives as "pictor sive coltrarius", painter of pictures, curtains, covers and cloth. When we consider Božidarević's landscapes we also notice a paradox. The endless journeys of the Dubrovnikians, constantly involving the sea, did not give rise to the desire to extend the picture to include real landscape even in those ordered by ship's captains, merchants, or globe-trotters. But it would have been unrealistic to expect Nikola Božidarević to show the Annunciation in Kolendić's Lopud landscape. Instead he presents the stereotyped picture of the humanists' idea of Arcadia but omitting Bellini's ploughmen and donkeys. This is no bucolic Virgilian landscape as created in the circle surrounding Giorgione - no mundane Utopia in which we might like to live. Behind Gabriel the landscape is wild and rough, behind Our Lady it is cultivated, these are more symbolic, antithetical rather than any true mise-en scene. When we first come to Božidarević's paintings we may be surprised by the fact that in spite of the very real situation within which they developed, there is a lack of any penetrating observation of either inner or outer worlds. Where details appear they largely represent a sanctified aspect of reality: spiritualiasub metaphoris corporalium, as Thomas Aquinus would say. The political, diplomatic, commercial realism of the people of Dubrovnik was, surprisingly enough, very late reflected in an art which served symbolic ends. Considered from this angle the architectural presentation of the city has something in common with butterflies which have great black eyes on their wings in order to make an impression on their surroundings and themselves. Thus in Božidarević and his predecessors we shall find no dark allegory, as measured by today's art critics, but a clear and balanced representation of the Bible message. These polyptychs provide a view of many kinds of fear (of heaven, of the sea, of plague, of Turks of all kinds, of oneself), and also of much hope. The four paintings by Božidarević which have come down to us are typologically different. This only shows us how impoverished we are not to have his entire opus. All four of Božidarević' surviving paintings were private votive offerings. Their subject must therefore be read according to the wishes of the person who ordered them. It is often considered, taking into account their formal superioriy that the Sacra conversazione of the Đođic painting and the Annunciation done for Captain Marko Kolendić are the "measure" of Božidarević's painting. If the former is his first example of a particularly popular Renaissance composition in Croatian art history, the second is his first independent central altar painting. Private orders in Dubrovnik of the time continued to demand the traditional religious, especially votive themes. But in the wider sphere new, more secular, opportunities presented themselves. A study by Vladimir Marković shows this programme to have arisen out of a combination between political intentions and the moral principles of the patrician oligarchy which coincided and were identified with the Renaissance view of Christian and especially with the classical Roman exempla. Božidarević was the contemporary of poets Džore Držić and ŠiškoMenčetić, of Mavro Vetranović. Marin Držić, the most successful writer of Dubrovnik's "Golden Age" was born when Nikola was in prison for the ribald songs. But we cannot but feel that the painter's temper remains hidden behind the porcelain surface and perfect outer symmetry of his compositions. The Dubrovnik context did not provide opportunities for the expression of strong passions. The demands for caution and order were unremitting. There might be considerable personal pride but there must never be bragging. It was not a setting for great philosophy or poetry, nor for tragedy, but for the natural sciences, economics and- along with them- comedies. Unfortunately Dubrovnik painting was fated to disappear almost unnoticed, with no fanfares or real apogee, to be drowned in the import of baroque art from the other side of the Adriatic. When we talk about Dubrovnik, the Renaissance is our first association, but the Renaissance in Croatian painting never managed fully to develop. Indeed Gothic was never fully relinquished but, rather, gradually disintegrated. Its place was taken by the counter Reformation, together with a whole packet of ready-made solutions, before the Renaissance had managed to achieve full definition. We cannot experience Nikola's paintings as Renaissance building blocks cut out from the reality of their own day. We may rather consider them as tables bearing rich fabric. His saints, enveloped in brocade, standing before an azure sky, are sunk in timeless melancholy. They are depicted in an indeterminate context as they appeared to the eye of the painter - without any later addition of colour. They did not attain the position of an academic standard for the Dubrovnik painting of the period that followed. Božidarević went ad patraim paradisi the same time as Mihajlo Hamzić, son of the German immigrant Hans, a "bombardiere" from Cologne, and Vicko Lovrin, son of Dobričević. The sudden and complete change of generations coincided with a fundamental change in the taste of the rich commercial class when it began to turn to the artists of the Bellini and Titian circle. The colours of Božidarević's painting are the most harmonious chords of Dubrovnik's "Golden Age". Of the one hundred and fifty polyptychs registered at the time of Sormano's apostolic visitation in 1573 less than one tenth remain. The Dubrovnik archives record seventeen works by Božidarević but only four have come down to us. In old cities such as Dubrovnik - colour, like everything else except stone, is recessive. What we have today is an idealized impression of what was once reality.