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During the era of revolutions, the notion of federalism was renegotiated based on the experience of revolutionary upheaval. In a comparative study of historical transfer, the author shows the ways that the semantics of federalism circulated in transatlantic intellectual networks to be invoked and transformed in relation to conflicts in North America, Germany, France, and Switzerland.

State primacy is an experiment in cooperative federalism, to insure both the general welfare and sensitivity to local conditions. The history of surface mining regulation is instructive because it points out the pitfalls and promise of cooperative federalism as well as the critical role of the courts in making state primacy work. (Abstract amended)

A widely read and influential text in its own day, P.-J. Proudhon's Du Principe federatif is now often overlooked by students of federalism. Yet the book's theoretical and general chapters, in the first English translation, can claim to be considered a key text for the history of federalist thinking. Standing at the point of intersection between the anarchist and federalist traditions, they make a passionate case for federalism as the political order which gives the fullest possible expression to liberty - indeed, as the only political order in which liberty can be preserved: 'The twentieth century will open the age of federations, or else humanity will undergo another purgatory of a thousand years.' Proudhon's federal principle is a radically decentralist one, which contrasts sharply with modern pictures of federalism at many points, what Proudhon calls a 'federal' system is what many, today, would regard as the dissolution of such a system. Although it thus stands apart from the mainstream of North American views of federalism, Proudhon's book raises questions which are posed by any federal arrangement. In connecting the federalist ideal with such distinct ends as the dispersal of power, maximum participation, and the maintenance of cultural diversity, it builds significant political tensions into the concept of federalism itself

In analysing the American and Canadian federal systems it is possible to stress the trends common to both systems or, alternately, to emphasize the differences that distinguish the Canadian from the American experience with federal institutions. Both political systems have persisted with recognizable federal features even while substantial nationalizing developments have occurred in the economies and cultures of the two nations. One leading authority characterizes the kind of federalism that results as "co-operative" in contrast to the older "classical" variety. Others, while noting common trends, stress the greater degree of resistance to centralization found in Canada by use of such labels as "pluralistic federalism," "double-image federalism," and "peri-pheralized federalism." While briefs can be made for affixing one or another label to a system, it seems more useful at this stage to study some of the array of differences between the Canadian and American federal systems. One way to get a rough measure of differences and similarities is to pose a set of questions on federalism to comparable groups of Canadians and Americans. These questions can be designed to determine the respective orientations to their federal systems and their opinions on various provincial (state)-federal problems. In this study the questions were put to members of the Ontario Legislative Assembly and the Michigan Senate.

ALTHOUGH THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT HAS BEEN THE VEHICLE FOR A NUMBER OF TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE PROTECTION OF RIGHTS, THERE HAS BEEN NO CONSENSUS ON WHAT IT MEANS. THE AMENDMENT IS SOMETIMES HELD TO HAVE REVOLUTIONIZED THE CONSTITUTION, IN EFFECT REPLACING THE TRADITIONAL FEDERAL SYSTEM WITH A MORE NATIONAL SYSTEM. IT IS ALSO ARGUED THAT THE AMENDMENT ESSENTIALLY REAFFIRMED THE PREWAR CONSTITUTION. THE TRUTH APPEARS TO LIE WITH NEITHER SIDE: THE DRAFTERS OF THE AMENDMENT ATTEMPTED TO "COMPLETE THE CONSTITUTION," NEITHER TO REFORM IT RADICALLY, NOR TO REAFFIRM IT SIMPLY. IN DOING SO, THEY UNWITTINGLY FOLLOWED IN THE TRACKS OF THE ORIGINIAL "FATHER OF THE CONSTITUTION," JAMES MADISON, WHO BELIEVED THE ORIGINAL CONSTITUTION TO BE DEFECTIVE IN IMPORTANT WAYS. PROPER ATTENTION TO THE CONTEXT AND THE STRUCTURE OF THE TEXT OF THE AMENDMENT REVEALS JUST HOW THE AMENDMENT WAS TO "COMPLETE THE CONSTITUTION." SO EXAMINED, THE AMENDMENT REVEALS ITSELF TO BE A PRECISELY STATED, CLEARLY DRAFTED TEXT, CONTAINING A NUMBER OF NEW CONSTITUTIONAL PRINCIPLES. PROPERLY UNDERSTOOD, THE AMENDMENT AFFORDS CONSTITUTIONAL PROTECTION FOR RIGHTS ALREADY POSSESSED IN SOME SENSE, BUT THEREFORE UNPROTECTED IN THE OLD CONSTITUTION.

For political scientists and economists, respectively, 'conflict' and 'inefficiency' are the recurring disabilities of Australian federalism. Most Laborites also share both misgivings. Seeks to refocus debate towards identifying an alternative explanatory dynamic for political behaviour within the system. This dynamic lies in the highly utilitarian usage the citizenry have made of the different loci of power provided by the federal system. (SJK)

The nascent church in Jerusalem represented in Acts 6 verses 1–3 was promptly challenged by the problem of inequity and lack of fair play among the various stakeholders and such disaffection reached a situation of murmur and open agitation. This challenge to the apostles was a threat to the consolidation of the already established Christian community in Jerusalem and its spread to the whole world. Something must be done to arrest the situation or the Church runs the risk of disintegration. Having some moral lessons drawn from the pericope at the back of the mind, one notices that recently there has been a clamour by the different geopolitical groups in Nigeria to restructure the Nigerian political system. The clamour is based on the failed position of post-war federalism to give all parts of Nigeria's pluralistic society a fair and equal representation which hitherto was meant to stop Nigeria from another civil war or the cry for cessation by one region or another. The church, as an impartial umpire in the art of politics, should, in the midst of the turmoil, serve as the conscience of the masses, pressing hard to the actualisation of the demands of the masses. The study, through historical-critical method of biblical scholarship with Form criticism, analysed that situation of agitation to inequality and gross misrepresentation in the book of Acts 6:1–3, pressing to offer vital lessons to Nigeria in her quest for political restructuring. It concluded by finding out that Nigeria's pluralistic nature, when restructured, should be a catalyst for global vision attainment and sustainable development. ; This research is part of the research project 'Hermeneutics and Exegesis' directed by Prof. Dr Ernest van Eck, Department of New Testament and Related Literature, Faculty of Theology and Religion, University of Pretoria. ; http://www.hts.org.za ; am2020 ; New Testament Studies

Constructivist approaches emerging in the field of international relations may be used to develop better federal theories for European Union (EU) analysis by refocusing attention on political practices, intersubjective meanings, & informal norms. Conversely, the detailed analysis of the EU that has been generated by using federalism as a theoretical prism, the rich theoretical tradition of federalism, & policymakers' common understanding of the EU in federal terms provide international relations scholars with a productive medium for gaining a better understanding of the emerging European polity. Adapted from the source document.

Cover -- Contents -- Preface -- Contributors -- 1. Introduction -- I: The Changing Federal Environment: Initial Observations -- 2. Embracing Imperfection: How Canada Fares in the Comparative Federalism Literature -- 3. The Size of the Federal and Provincial Governments in Canada: Some Quantitative Evidence -- II: The Implications of the 2011 Federal Election -- 4. The West in Canada: Assessing the West's Role in the Post-2011 Federal System -- 5. The Orange Wave: A (Re)Canadianization of the Quebec Electorate? -- 6. Institutional Reform -- III: Health Policy, Economic Federalism: Who Is in Charge? -- 7. Never More than a Step from Paradise: Canadian Provinces and the Public Funding of Health Care Services -- 8. Federalism and Securities Regulation in Canada -- 9. Canadian Federalism and International Trade: A Small Step While Waiting for the Giant Leap -- IV: The Provinces and the North: Growing in Importance? -- 10. Something Old or Something New? Territorial Development and Influence within the Canadian Federation -- 11. On the Relative Neglect of Horizontal Intergovernmental Relations in Canada -- 12. From Old Canada, the New East: Adjusting to the Changing Federal Environment.

Federalism has generally been characterized as a system of government that is friendly to liberty. It is not obvious, though, why this should be so. Federalism is a form of government where citizens simultaneously reside in at least two governments, each of which has independent authority to tax and to regulate. By contrast, in a unitary form of government citizens face only one government with independent authority to tax and regulate. At first glance, it would seem a bit strange to claim that liberty is more secure when citizens are members of two governments with independent authority than when they are members of only one such government. The relationship between federalism and liberty turns out to be a complex one, and one that is capable of working in either direction. Whether federalism supports or erodes liberty depends on importantly on the institutional framework within which federalist governance takes place. The essays in Federalist Government in Principle and Practice examine this institutionalist theme from both theoretical and practical perspectives

Larry Backer opines that 'Most of the academic work regarding the "lessons" offered by American federalism for the European Union ("EU") and other supra-national systems has predominantly focused on an understanding of post-Civil War American federalism. It remains, on that account, extremely superficial.' Backer notes that there are important lessons to learn from Calhoun's marginalized understanding of federalism that provide emerging supra-national unions like the European Union with a powerful conceptual foundation for the construction of non-national federal systems of government. The research question seeks to test this debate, first by following the theoretical arguments that took place within the United States on the issue surrounding states' rights versus federalism, and second through the various court cases that have occurred within the European national courts and the European Court of Justice. In essence, the research question seeks to determine where the locus of power currently resides, or will tend to reside, between to the European Union and its member nations.