Suchergebnisse

[Resumo] Facer arquitectura é significar, é un acto político; ten unha dimensión social. O entendemento social da produción arquitectónica significa abordar o estudo dos grupos sociais en relación á disciplina. Nun contexto de desigualdade, identificar os sesgos culturais resulta clave á hora de promover valores contemplados nos dereitos humanos como a igualdade de xénero. Nesta procura, a chegada das TIC supoñen un punto de inflexión: a democratización das tecnoloxías da información e o nacemento de novos espazos globais de comunicación veñen representando unha oportunidade inédita para a difusión e o encontro de arquitectas, investigadoras e activistas na posta en cuestión do discurso oficial da arquitectura.[Abstract] To make architecture supposes giving meaning, it is a political action; it has a social dimension. The social understanding of architectonic production means tackling the study of social groups in relation to discipline. In an inequality context, identifying cultural bias becomes key just to promote human rights like gender equality. In this pursue, the emergence of ICT means an inflexion point: the democratization of information technologies and the appearance of new global communication spaces that represent an unprecedented opportunity for diffusion and meeting of women architects, investigators and activists joined questioning the official architectural discourse

Cilj ovog rada jest analizirati povijesnu pozadinu trenutnih događanja poput kurdske borbe za neovisnost i jačanja feminističke misli, kao i kulturne te političke okolnosti koje su pokrenule niz događaja koji su na posljetku doveli do radikalne promjene u političkoj i društvenoj klimi današnje Sirije. U jeku građanskog rata, Kurdi su iskoristili priliku da započnu borbu za vlastiti suverenitet u sjevernoj Siriji, na kurdskom jeziku poznatoj kao Rojava. Budući da je utemeljena na nadasve progresivnoj ideji demokratskog konfederalizma, osmišljenoj od strane kurdskog nacionalističkog vođe i osnivača PKK-a (Kurdistanske radničke partije) Abdullaha Öcalana, revolucija u Rojavi često se smatra jednim od najvećih društvenih eksperimenata našega vremena. Iako već sama implementacija demokratskog konfederalizma može biti dovoljna kako bi se istaknula važnost ove revolucije u kontekstu današnjeg Bliskog istoka, procvat ženskih prava u Rojavi za trajanja revolucije od još je većeg značaja. Jedna od ključnih ideja Öcalanove filozofije, poznata kao Jineologija (znanost žena), ne postavlja ništa drugo do žene u sam centar revolucije. Promatrajući rad ženske vojske, tako zvane Jedinice ženske zaštite (YPJ) jasno je vidljivo da se spomenuta ideologija očituje u praksi, ne samo na bojištu, već i u svakodnevnom životu. U ovom radu nastojat ću dati pregled povijesnih okolnosti koje su dopustile iskru koja je zapalila vatru ženske revolucije u jednom od najpatrijarhalnijih društava i među jednom od najpotlačenijih manjina u današnjem svijetu te nadalje istražiti značaj sadašnje situacije u Rojavi. ; The following paper aims to analyze the historical background of the current happenings such as the Kurdish endeavors towards independence and the strengthening of feminist thought, as well as cultural and political circumstances which put into motion a series of events that ultimately lead to a radical change in the political and social climate of the present day Syria. In the midst of a civil war, the Kurdish people seized the opportunity to fight for their own sovereignty in northern Syria, or as it is known by the Kurds – Rojava. Rooted in the strongly progressive idea of Democratic Confederalism designed by a Kurdish nationalist leader and the PKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party) founder Abdullah Öcalan, the Rojava Revolution is often deemed one of the greatest social experiments of our time. Even though the implementation of Democratic Confederalism may be in itself enough to highlight the importance of this revolution in the context of today's Middle East, what is of even greater significance is the blossoming of women's rights in Rojava. Another one of Öcalan's pivotal ideas, known as Jineology (the science of women) puts none other than women at the very center of the revolution. By observing the work of the all-female Women's Protection Units (YPJ) it is clearly evident that the aforementioned ideology manifests itself in practice, not only in the battlefield, but in everyday life as well. In this paper I will try to provide an overview of the historical circumstances that allowed for a spark that started the fire of the Women's Revolution within one of the most patriarchal societies and among one of the most repressed minorities in the world today and further examine the significance of the current situation in Rojava.

The changes in the social position of women in transitional countries is the consequence of the latest economic & political changes in the countries of Central & Eastern Europe. Croatians think that the social position of women today is worse than in the former regime; in this, women are more critical than men, particularly well-educated women, working outside the home (modernists). Those who believe that the position of women today is better than it used to comprise a smaller group; they believe that a woman's place is primarily in the home, that the church should have a decisive say in the position of women, that women are not born for politics, & that pro-choice attitudes should not be tolerated. Women should resolve their dissatisfaction with their lives & social position by choosing either the modern or the traditional variant, or a middle path, which has been suggested by the logic of the newly created living conditions. 8 Tables, 2 Graphs, 9 References. Adapted from the source document.

The geopolitical evolution represents a permanent process. It is mostly influenced by the geopolitical condition, in which the geopolitical relations and processes are evolving. The understanding of geopolitical evolution is impossible without the critical review and even rejection of the dominant geopolitical visions. There are various theoretical perspectives that reject the dominant geopolitical visions and discourses as well as geopolitical practices of the political elites. Those theoretical perspectives are known as: critical geopolitics, anti-geopolitics, subaltern geopolitics, feminist geopolitics, radical geopolitics. There are also various comprehensions of relationship between these theoretical perspectives, although it is clear that each of them is overlapped with others, and all of them are overlapped with critical geopolitics, differing in the focus of study and the identification of new moments, and at the same time being similar by their deflection from the dominant geopolitical vision and practices, to which they react in different ways: by criticizing, by putting resistance or offering alternatives. In this paper, the research focus is mostly on anti-geopolitics, a radical geopolitical vision that puts into question the relations of exploitation and dominance. Anti-geopolitics also represents a theoretical perspective that poses the most serious challenge to the dominant ways of representing the World. The proponents of anti-geopolitics focus their research on the anti-colonial and anti-imperialist struggles, as well as on the social movements and networks that offer a resistance to globalization and geo-economic logic that are advocated and practiced by the political-economic elites of states and multinational corporations and intergovernmental institutions, especially the financial ones. The paper also brings a brief review of the key aspects of other theoretical perspectives that represent a more or less radical deflection from the dominant geopolitical visions. Adapted from the source document.

Cilj je rada pomoću analize i interpretacije eseja Tri gvineje Viginije Woolf ukazati na aktualnost ideja i pitanja postavljenih u eseju, koji i u XXI. stoljeću traže odgovor, te podsjetiti na nepravedno zanemareni esejistički opus ove autorice. Pitanje rodnih razlika, hijerarhijski ustroj društva temeljen na patrijarhalnim odnosima, rat i uloga žene u njegovu sprječavanju, fašizam, pacifizam, nacionalizam – teme su koje su u fokusu današnjice, a Woolf, koja je svojim esejom potaknula kontroverze, pokazala je i znatnu relevantnost i svojevrsno vizionarstvo. Esej Tri gvineje u okviru odgovarajućega povijesnog, političkog i društvenoga konteksta ukazuje na žestoku kritiku rata kao i na stalnu borbu žene za ravnopravnost u svim porama današnjega društva. ; Analysis and interpretation of Virginia Woolf's anti-war essay Three Guineas point to the relevance of the ideas and questions placed in the essay, which remain unanswered even today in the 21st century. The unjustly neglected essay-writing of this prolific modernist author is also reaffirmed. The issues of gender, hierarchical social structure based on patriarchy, war and the role of women in preventing it, fascism, pacifism, and nationalism are relevant contemporary topics where Woolf, who initiated controversies, showed relevance and a sense of vision as well. Within the given historical, political and social context, the essay Three Guineas expresses strong anti-war criticism, as well as the constant struggle of women for equality in all segments of contemporary society.

U radu se razmatra odnos spolnog i jezičnog te njihov međusobni utjecaj unutar područja političke filozofije, lingvistike i teorije teksta, u pojedinim djelima Adriane Cavarero. Najprije se polazi od spoznaja poststrukturalističke teorije teksta, psihoanalitičkog feminizma i psiholingvistike, koje se potom proširuju rezultatima iz područja političke filozofije, s posebnim naglaskom na antičke tekstove. Analizom odabranih ulomaka Cavarerina opusa otvorit će se pitanje odnosa rodnog, spolnog i tekstualnog. Na temelju kritičkog čitanja Cavarerinih djela, teorijske literature i rezultata analize polaznih i ciljnih tekstova, donijet će se zaključak o utjecaju spolnosti na jezik i kulturu, odnosno o utjecaju jezika i kulturnih simbola na društvene i rodne uloge. ; The paper examines the relationship between the sexual and linguistic and their mutual influence within the fields of political philosophy, linguistics, and theory of text, in selection from Adriana Cavarero's work. First, we begin from the knowledge of poststructuralist text theory, psychoanalytic feminism and psycholinguistics, which are later expanded with the results from political philosophy with special emphasis on ancient texts. Cavarero's texts are being analysed to describe the features through which the relationship between gender, sex and text is established. Through a critical exploration of Cavarero's texts and previous theoretical discussions and the analysis results, a conclusion about the influence of the sexual on language and culture and the influence of language and cultural symbols on social and gender roles is reached.