Der Aufsatz zeigt aktuelle und historische Spannungsfelder zwischen lesbisch-feministischen und queer-feministischen Strömungen, aber auch gemeinsame politische Anliegen auf. Als Teil feministischer Öffentlichkeiten sind frauenspezifische/feministische Archive, Bibliotheken und Dokumentationseinrichtungen Teil dieser Auseinandersetzungen, die durchaus auch respektvoll geführt werden können. ; This essay traces contemporary and historical conflicts between lesbian-feminist and queer feminist tendencies, but also their common goals. Women's and feminist archives, libraries, and documentation centres are part of these discourses, that need to be addressed in a respectful manner.
After positioning the topic in a historical framework, sketching the main paradigm in discussion, the article concentrates on three main areas: 1) the challenge of discussing subjectivity within a marxist tradition which is mainly concentrated on the economic sphere; thus linking the possibility to change society to the necessity of changing oneself. 2) the challenge of criticizing Marx' concept of labour and value-theory and thus bringing domestic labour into the heart of marxism, and connecting the problem with the necessity of reorganizing 'work-society' today. 3) the challenge of linking the critique of political economy to patriarchy and thus doubting the usefulness of thinking domination in a one-dimensional way, and offering a new idea on the fundamental part women's oppression plays in capitalist society. The author summarizes the main discussions from the seventies up to now and links them to her own experiences and contributions in this field. As a feminist she transgresses the boundaries of academic disciplines and covers psychology, sociology, economy and politics. ; After positioning the topic in a historical framework, sketching the main paradigm in discussion, the article concentrates on three main areas: 1) the challenge of discussing subjectivity within a marxist tradition which is mainly concentrated on the economic sphere; thus linking the possibility to change society to the necessity of changing oneself. 2) the challenge of criticizing Marx' concept of labour and value-theory and thus bringing domestic labour into the heart of marxism, and connecting the problem with the necessity of reorganizing 'work-society' today. 3) the challenge of linking the critique of political economy to patriarchy and thus doubting the usefulness of thinking domination in a one-dimensional way, and offering a new idea on the fundamental part women's oppression plays in capitalist society. The author summarizes the main discussions from the seventies up to now and links them to her own experiences and contributions in this field. As a feminist she transgresses the boundaries of academic disciplines and covers psychology, sociology, economy and politics.
Frauen*Bewegungen folgen in verschiedenen Ländern einer je eigenen Dynamik, die v.a. durch die jeweiligen Verknüpfungen der Geschlechterverhältnisse mit anderen Dimensionen sozialer Ungleichheit geprägt wird, aber auch abhängig ist von unterschiedlichen strategischen Entscheidungen der Akteur*innen in diesem Kontext. Myra Marx Ferree demonstriert die Pluralität und Dynamik feministischer Politik am Fallbeispiel Deutschland im Vergleich mit den USA über den langen Zeitraum von 1848 bis 2005. Eher exemplarisch als systematisch werden große Linien des Wandels von Feminismus bzw. von Gender Politics in ihrer intersektionalen Verschränkung mit anderen Achsen der Differenz wie auch mit anderen Dimensionen sozialer Bewegung und politischen Handelns beleuchtet. Die Vergleichsperspektive soll vor allem der Strategieentwicklung feministischer Politik in globaler Perspektive zu neuen Impulsen verhelfen. ; Women's movements follow different dynamics in different countries and are mainly characterized by the respective links of gender relations with other dimensions of social inequality, but are also dependent on different strategic decisions by the actors in this context. Myra Marx Ferree demonstrates the plurality and dynamics of feminist politics in the case of Germany compared to the US over the long period from 1848 to 2005. Rather exemplary than systematic broad lines of change of feminism or gender politics are highlighted in their intersectional entanglement with other axes of difference as well as other dimensions of social movement and political action. Above all, the comparative perspective is intended to give new impulses to the development of strategies of feminist politics in a global perspective.
This article deals with the Czech writer Marie Majerová from a gender historical point of view. Majerová was well known as a communist author after World War Two, but is almost unknown as a feminist writer and activist of the interwar period. The study considers the ambiguity of her position. It primarily concentrates on Majerová as a journalist and activist in the field of women's education and emancipation before 1938. On the one hand, she sought to advocate the cause of humankind and the work of everybody, no matter what gender they were. On the other hand, she was positively fighting for womens' rights and their opportunity to express themselves and to take part in public life. Majerová's career serves as an example of a woman's position in the changing modern world in the first half of the twentieth century. At the same time, it demonstrates an individual approach to politics and life based on the will to change and to influence the world around her. In the final analysis, Majerová always remained more a writer than a politician. All her agitation was elaborately formulated, however spontaneous the actions behind it, and she never became a professional politician. ; This article deals with the Czech writer Marie Majerová from a gender historical point of view. Majerová was well known as a communist author after World War Two, but is almost unknown as a feminist writer and activist of the interwar period. The study considers the ambiguity of her position. It primarily concentrates on Majerová as a journalist and activist in the field of women's education and emancipation before 1938. On the one hand, she sought to advocate the cause of humankind and the work of everybody, no matter what gender they were. On the other hand, she was positively fighting for womens' rights and their opportunity to express themselves and to take part in public life. Majerová's career serves as an example of a woman's position in the changing modern world in the first half of the twentieth century. At the same time, it demonstrates an individual approach to politics and life based on the will to change and to influence the world around her. In the final analysis, Majerová always remained more a writer than a politician. All her agitation was elaborately formulated, however spontaneous the actions behind it, and she never became a professional politician.
Gegenstand der Analyse ist die mediale Auseinandersetzung um feministische de/konstruktivistische Theorie und Praxis, die 2006/2007 unter der Überschrift 'Gender Mainstreaming' stattfand. Dominiert wurde die Mediendebatte von einer Reihe antifeministischer Veröffentlichungen in überregionalen (Print- und Online-) Zeitungen und Magazinen; auf ihnen liegt das Hauptaugenmerk meiner Untersuchung. Im Zentrum stehen dabei die Einzelanalysen der Artikel "'Gender Mainstreaming' Politische Geschlechtsumwandlung" (FAZ; Volker Zastrow) und "Der neue Mensch" (Der Spiegel; René Pfister), die unter Hinzuziehung des Debattenkontextes (ca. 50 Artikel) untersucht werden. Die Analyse verfolgt die zentralen diskursiven Strategien, mit denen feministische de/konstruktivistische Theorie und Praxis sowie die Protagonist_innen derselben delegitimiert werden und fragt nach den impliziten wie expliziten Aussagen, den zugrundeliegenden gesellschaftlichen Wissensvorräten, Deutungsrahmen und Ausschlüssen. Theoretisch und methodisch wird eine Perspektive entwickelt, die die Mediendebatte einerseits als Kondensat gesellschaftlicher Wissensvorräte und als Spiegel gesellschaftlicher Machtverhältnisse, andererseits als Produzentin von Wissen und Macht analysierbar macht. Die Forschungsfragen und Analyseergebnisse tangieren entsprechend das gesellschaftlich vorhandene Alltags- und wissenschaftliche Wissen über Geschlecht(erverhältnisse) ebenso wie das 'neue' Wissen, das in der Debatte generiert wird, indem Wissen neu kombiniert, akzentuiert, in neue Kontexte gestellt und den Rezipient_innen zugänglich gemacht wird. Mit welchen Bedeutungen wird der Begriff 'Gender' aufgeladen? Nach welchen Kriterien werden feministische Interventionen beurteilt? Welche Subjekte werden abgewertet oder ausgeschlossen (Homosexuelle, Transgender u.a.)? Welches wissenschaftliche und welches Alltagswissen liegt den (antifeministischen/ transphoben/ homophoben) Aussagen zugrunde? Inwiefern haben de/konstruktivistische Geschlechterkonzepte Eingang gefunden in die öffentliche Geschlechterdebatte? Und schließlich auch: Welche Strategien verfolgten jene medialen Artikulationen, die positiv auf feministische Theorie und Praxis und/oder Gender Mainstreaming Bezug nahmen? 'Gender Mainstreaming' fungierte im untersuchten antifeministischen Strang der Debatte als Aufhänger für einen modernisierten Antifeminismus, der sich gegen sämtliche feministische Politiken und Theorien richtete, die (in der Debatte) mit dem Begriff 'Gender' assoziiert wurden. 'Gender' wurde dabei als politisches Stigmawort mit vagem de/konstruktivistischem Gehalt etabliert. Die untersuchten Delegitimierungsstrategien betreffen den Wahrheitsgehalt feministischer Theorie, die Ziele und die Wirkungen feministischer Politik und die Frage nach den Interessen, die mit feministischen Politiken verfolgt werden. Diesen Strategien liegen (unter anderem) Vorannahmen bezüglich Geschlecht und Geschlechtsidentität, Abwertungen und Ausschlüsse bestimmter geschlechtlich oder sexuell markierter Subjekte, spezifische Deutungen feministischer Politiken und Theorien und die Dethematisierung von Machtverhältnissen zugrunde. ; The subject matter of his analysis is the media debate on feminist de/constructivist theory and practice conducted in 2006-07, using the peg 'gender mainstreaming' to hang itself on. The debate was dominated by a number of anti-feminist publications, which my analysis mainly focuses on. The core of the research consists of the analysis of the articles "'Gender Mainstreaming' Politische Geschlechtsumwandlung" (FAZ; Volker Zastrow) and "Der neue Mensch" (Der Spiegel; René Pfister), which are being investigated by also looking at the context of the debate. The analysis aims at the central discursive strategies which are used to delegitimise feminist de/constructivist theory and practice as well as their protagonists and enquires about the implicit and explicit statements of the articles, the basic common knowledge, criterion and exclusions. I devise a theoretical and methodical perspective, which makes the debate analyzable in a double way: On the one hand the media debate can be seen as a 'condensate' of common knowledge and as a mirror of social power structures and on the other hand it functions as a producer of knowledge and power itself. Consequently the research questions allude to the existing common and/or science-based knowledge as well as to the 'new' knowledge which the media debate generates by (re-)combining, (re-)accentuating and (re-)contextualising knowledge. Which denotations/connotations are assigned to the term 'gender'? Which criterion is being mobilized to judge feminist politics? Which subjects (homosexuals, transgendered persons et al.) are degraded or excluded? Which scientific knowledge and which common knowledge form the basis of the (anti-feminist/ transphobic/ homophobic) statements being made? Is there any evidence that de/constructivist perceptions regarding gender found access to the public gender debate? And eventually: Which are the strategies being pursued by those articles that referred to feminist theory and practices affirmatively? Within the anti-feminist thread of the debate, 'gender mainstreaming' served as a peg to hang an updated antifeminism on, that was directed against all feminist politics and theories associated with the term 'gender'. 'Gender' itself was established as a stigmatized political term including a vague de/constructivist meaning. The discursive anti-feminist strategies affect the trueness of feminist thought, the aims and impacts of feminist politics and the question about the interests pursued by feminist politics. These strategies rest upon the specific interpretations of feminist politics and theories, upon the exclusion of existing power structures from the debate, upon underlying presumptions concerning gender and gender identity and upon the degradation and exclusion of persons due to their sex, their gender or their desire.
Wie und unter welchen Umständen läuft moderner Feminismus Gefahr, faschistische und rassistische Verhaltensmuster zu reproduzieren? Was, wenn es ihn gibt, ist 'Faschofeminismus ?Welche theoretischen und methodischen Ansätze können helfen, rassistische und kulturrassistische (Re)Produktionen im westeuropäischen Mainstreamfeminismus bloßzustellen bzw. zu verhindern?Ziel dieser Arbeit ist es, zu zeigen, dass gerade heute, wo (nicht nur) Europa unter einer Welle des Rechtsdrucks zu versinken scheint, die Kritik- und Ansatzpunkte des 'Critical Race Feminism', allen voran das Beachten von Intersektionalität und die Kritik am Essentialismus, von besonderer Bedeutung und Nutzen für die europäische Feminist_innen und ihr Umfeld sind bzw. sein sollen. Dabei soll es um die Gefahr gehen, als kulturrassistischer Legitimationsvorwand missbraucht zu werden, der der (westliche) Feminismus ausgesetzt ist und damit um das dem Feminismus, als eine aus dem Patriarchat heraus entstandene Strömung, inhärente Potential als Macht- und Hierarchisierungsmechanismus zu agieren. So sollen in dem Zusammenhang nicht nur mögliche Lösungsansätze, wie moderner Feminismus mit faschistischen Annäherungen an feministische Ansätze umgehen könnte, aufgezeigt werden, sondern auch gezeigt werden, wie Feminismus auch heute noch Gefahr läuft unter dem Vorwand der kulturellen Unvereinbarkeit , rassistische Verhaltensmuster zu reproduzieren und was getan werden kann, um das zu verhindern. ; How and under what circumstances is modern Feminism in danger of reproducing fascist and racist patterns? What, if it exists, is a 'fascist Feminism'?What theoretical and methodological approaches can help to expose and prevent racist and culturalistic (re)production through western mainstream Feminism?This thesis aims to demonstrate that especially today, where the political right strengthens (not only) in Europe, 'Critical Race Feminism and its critique, especially intersectionality and anti-essentialism, can and should be of special meaning and value for European feminists and their environment. Furthermore, this thesis tries to expose how (western) Feminism is at risk of being misused to legitimise culture-racist patterns. Consequently, this brings to light how Feminism, as a movement that originates in the patriarchy, has an inherent potential of acting as a power- and hierarchy mechanism. In this context this thesis not only aims to show potential approaches to avoid and to fend off fascist advances of feminist work, but also tries to demonstrate, how Feminism itslef is to this day at risk of reproducing racist patterns and what could be done to prevent this. ; vorgelegt von Theresa Anna Leeb, B.A. ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Masterarbeit, 2017 ; (VLID)1738387
The essays, artistic pieces, and interviews gathered in this anthology explore both the role of art and visual culture as well as artistic practices in contemporary feminist movements. The art historians, literary scholars, artists, activists, and students and scholars of American Studies included in this collection examine contemporary art and artivism and its capacity to inspire change, reformulate feminist ideas, and reimagine feminist aesthetics. With contributions by young scholars, students, activists, and artists, the collection seeks to display a broad range of perspectives. Recurring themes are the ambivalent labeling of art and artistic or activist practices as 'feminist' as well as the role of intersectionality in feminism and art. This edited volume brings together the diverse strands of thought and practice that contemporary feminist art and culture embrace and hopes to contribute to ongoing discussions at the intersection of art and feminist politics. ; The essays, artistic pieces, and interviews gathered in this anthology explore both the role of art and visual culture as well as artistic practices in contemporary feminist movements. The art historians, literary scholars, artists, activists, and students and scholars of American Studies included in this collection examine contemporary art and artivism and its capacity to inspire change, reformulate feminist ideas, and reimagine feminist aesthetics. With contributions by young scholars, students, activists, and artists, the collection seeks to display a broad range of perspectives. Recurring themes are the ambivalent labeling of art and artistic or activist practices as 'feminist' as well as the role of intersectionality in feminism and art. This edited volume brings together the diverse strands of thought and practice that contemporary feminist art and culture embrace and hopes to contribute to ongoing discussions at the intersection of art and feminist politics.
The text focuses on the relationship between feminism as political movement and feminist science in the first decennium of the emerging women's history (roughly spanning the 1980s). This relationship is to be understood as a correlation of different formations of gender-knowledge (i.e. what we are knowing about gender and why) originating in differing frames of reference: political and scholarly feminism. In both fields terms like "feminism" or – later on – "gender" meant something different, and even contradictory. Drawing particularly on the theory of Alfred Schütz and on current theoretical considerations on gender-knowledge (e.g. Angelika Wetterer), the article analyzes the controversy between Gisela Bock and Claudia Koonz during the later 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s – the so called Historikerinnenstreit. This debate about the female experience during the period of National Socialism arose from different views on women's place in that society and on their share of responsibility for the crimes committed during that time. In it, political and scholarly gender-knowledge were mingled and stirred an unusually fierce controversy. By focussing on the deeper meanings of that debate, by taking into account the studies on women's history published by both scholars and, more generally, the broader range of contemporary research addressing women's history in the "Third Reich", it can be demonstrated that the relationship between political and scholarly feminism did not simply – like often assumed – develop from a general consensus into more controversial and plural forms of knowledge. Instead there were fierce debates already in the early years of women's history. Thus, the then developed and used analytical concepts – for example the dichotomy of the private vs. the public – must be viewed with a special sensitivity for the peculiar mix of political and scholarly gender-knowledge which inspired and informed each of these concepts. ; The text focuses on the relationship between feminism as political movement and feminist science in the first decennium of the emerging women's history (roughly spanning the 1980s). This relationship is to be understood as a correlation of different formations of gender-knowledge (i.e. what we are knowing about gender and why) originating in differing frames of reference: political and scholarly feminism. In both fields terms like "feminism" or – later on – "gender" meant something different, and even contradictory. Drawing particularly on the theory of Alfred Schütz and on current theoretical considerations on gender-knowledge (e.g. Angelika Wetterer), the article analyzes the controversy between Gisela Bock and Claudia Koonz during the later 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s – the so called Historikerinnenstreit. This debate about the female experience during the period of National Socialism arose from different views on women's place in that society and on their share of responsibility for the crimes committed during that time. In it, political and scholarly gender-knowledge were mingled and stirred an unusually fierce controversy. By focussing on the deeper meanings of that debate, by taking into account the studies on women's history published by both scholars and, more generally, the broader range of contemporary research addressing women's history in the "Third Reich", it can be demonstrated that the relationship between political and scholarly feminism did not simply – like often assumed – develop from a general consensus into more controversial and plural forms of knowledge. Instead there were fierce debates already in the early years of women's history. Thus, the then developed and used analytical concepts – for example the dichotomy of the private vs. the public – must be viewed with a special sensitivity for the peculiar mix of political and scholarly gender-knowledge which inspired and informed each of these concepts.
In: Wessels , J 2018 , ' Feministische Herausforderungen an das Flüchtlingsrecht : Von der zweiten zur dritten Welle ' , GENDER : Zeitschrift für Geschlecht, Kultur und Gesellschaft , vol. 2018 , no. 2 , pp. 18-31 . https://doi.org/10.3224/gender.v10i2.02
The article takes a feminist look at refugee law. The refugee concept, which was originally designed for classic political – and male – dissidents, has undergone a profound transformation in recent years. These changes are neatly reflected in the central claim of second-wave feminism: the personal is political. The closing of the public/private divide has led to a fundamental change, such that the definition of "refugee" is now understood to cover gender-related persecution. Following this great success, however, feminist engagement with refugee law diminished considerably. The article elaborates on remaining challenges and shows that third wave feminism also has some important lessons for the further development of refugee law.
The author deals with practices and debates on migration and ethnic differences, racism and anti-racism in the context of feminist activism in Vienna. In a longitudinal analysis from the 1980s to the 2010s, the work examines how white feminist activists negotiate powerful ethnicized differences - in explicit speech as well as implicit action. Last but not least, the question is how these practices not only construct the 'other', but also produce the 'own'.
Karrin Vasby Anderson (Hg.): Women, Feminism, and Pop Politics: From "Bitch" to "Badass" and Beyond // Stefan Horlacher, Kevon Floyd (Hg.): Contemporary Masculinities in the UK and the US: Between Bodies and Systems
Elizabeth Wilsons 2015 erschienene Publikation "Gut Feminism" liegt seit diesem Jahr nun auf Deutsch vor. In Rückgriff auf empirische Daten aus den Neurowissenschaften, auf Psychoanalyse und Dekonstruktion reformuliert sie nicht nur ihre langjährige Beschäftigung mit dem biologischen Körper, mit Depressionen und deren pharmazeutischer Behandlung, sondern schlägt vor, feministische Politik soll "radikal negativ" sein und ihr eigenes schädigendes Potenzial annehmen. Wilson fordert damit nicht nur die bisherigen "affirmativen" bzw. "reparativen" Lesarten feministischer Neomaterialismen heraus, sondern betont (unbewusste) Aggressionen, Verlust und Schaden in der "reparativen Wende" der Queer Theory. ; Elizabeth Wilson's 2015 publication "Gut Feminism" is now available in German. Drawing on empirical data from neuroscience, psychoanalysis, and deconstruction, she not only reformulates her longstanding preoccupation with the biological body, with depression and its pharmaceutical treatment, but also proposes that feminist politics should be "radically negative" and embrace its own damaging potential. In doing so, Wilson not only challenges previous "affirmative" or "reparative" readings of feminist neo-materialisms, but emphasizes (unconscious) aggression, loss, and harm in queer theory's "reparative turn."
Being a Woman Sells – Thoughts and Theses on Art, Careers, Gender, and MarketingIn recent years, art by women artists has received ambivalent recognition. Whereas on the one hand the sheer number of publications, exhibitions, and well-known women artists has increased considerably, the general discourse on women in the arts and culture has often been accompanied by a weird sort of feminist conservatism. The text analyses the structure of these ambivalent and sometimes even contradictory phenomena by means of selected but interwoven examples. The main thesis claims that feminism functions as a label under which different layers of the debate – popular, political or/and specialist voices – are closely intertwined, and that art historical narratives in particular don't sufficiently consider the consequences of these entanglements. As a result, feminist art history often reproduces an unreflected and by now obsolete notion of feminism.
Taking the example of the German feminist activist Käthe Schirmacher (1865–1930), the article explores the significance of travel practices for political movements and argues for greater dialogue between travel studies and research on social movements. It demonstrates the growing mobility within European and North American women's movements at the end of the 19th century and argues that the internationalization of political and social movements at the turn of the century generated a new type of travelling activist. These activists not only built formal and informal networks and enabled the transfer of programs and perspectives, but also served as travelling role models with whom local activists could identify. In the 1890s, the young Käthe Schirmacher, who was born in Danzig, had studied in Paris, worked as a teacher in England and had obtained her doctorate (as one of the first German women) in Zurich, became an important protagonist in the emerging international network of the radical women's movement. Having to support herself, she made a profession out of her feminist activism. As a journalist and author of books on women's movement issues she regularly travelled around Europe as a speaker for local feminist organisations – a practice which was politically effective as well as rewarding. The article explores how Schirmacher developed this practice after her return from the international women's congress that was held on the occasion of the World's Fair in Chicago 1893. It analyses the textual strategies as well as the racist undertones by which she portrayed the US women's movement and its much-admired protagonists, and invented herself as a "modern woman" who cooperated with these feminist heroes. ; Taking the example of the German feminist activist Käthe Schirmacher (1865–1930), the article explores the significance of travel practices for political movements and argues for greater dialogue between travel studies and research on social movements. It demonstrates the growing mobility within European and North American women's movements at the end of the 19th century and argues that the internationalization of political and social movements at the turn of the century generated a new type of travelling activist. These activists not only built formal and informal networks and enabled the transfer of programs and perspectives, but also served as travelling role models with whom local activists could identify. In the 1890s, the young Käthe Schirmacher, who was born in Danzig, had studied in Paris, worked as a teacher in England and had obtained her doctorate (as one of the first German women) in Zurich, became an important protagonist in the emerging international network of the radical women's movement. Having to support herself, she made a profession out of her feminist activism. As a journalist and author of books on women's movement issues she regularly travelled around Europe as a speaker for local feminist organisations – a practice which was politically effective as well as rewarding. The article explores how Schirmacher developed this practice after her return from the international women's congress that was held on the occasion of the World's Fair in Chicago 1893. It analyses the textual strategies as well as the racist undertones by which she portrayed the US women's movement and its much-admired protagonists, and invented herself as a "modern woman" who cooperated with these feminist heroes.
