Este artigo aborda, em primeiro lugar, a narrativa de Stuart Hall sobre as contribuições do feminismo para a formação dos estudos culturais. Em segundo, trata do desenvolvimento da crítica feminista no âmbito dos estudos culturais, sobretudo ingleses. Nessa trajetória, resgata as ideias de Hall sobre a problemática da(s) identidade(s). Essa dimensão de sua obra constitui a terceira via explorada, tema também relevante na produção teórica feminista. Sinaliza, ainda, encontros e desencontros desses desdobramentos no contexto nacional. Por fim, conclui que o tema merece uma análise em profundidade, sobretudo porque a questão da identidade ocupa lugar central na mesa da prática política e da teoria feminista atual. ; This article firstly addresses Stuart Hall's account of the contributions of feminism to the formation of cultural studies. Secondly, it deals with the development of feminist criticism in the context of cultural studies, especially in England. Following this line, it retrieves Hall's ideas on the problematic of identity(ies). This dimension of his work is the third approach to be explored, a subject also relevant in feminist theoretical production. The paper additionally points out matches and mismatches of such developments in the Brazilian context. Finally, it concludes that the theme deserves in-depth analysis, especially as the topic of identity plays a central role in current political practice and feminist theory.
This article aims to introduce and expand on the concept of popular feminism in Latin America based on the case of women from the favelas who are recognized for their social and political activism. To this end, we will start from feminist and decolonial epistemologies that enable us to recognize the resistances generally made invisible by the coloniality of gender and often ignored by hegemonic feminism. Methodologically, this study is based on qualitative research in which interviews were conducted with 110 women in 105 favelas throughout Rio de Janeiro. We rely mainly on their answers to the question about whether or not they consider themselves to be feminists and why. As such, we propose an expanded definition of popular feminism that is characterized by the specific subjectivity of these women, their networking, a radical commitment to the favela, and a differentiated temporality of action in the city. ; El presente artículo tiene por objeto presentar y ampliar el concepto de feminismo popular en América Latina a partir del caso de las mujeres de las favelas que son reconocidas por su activismo social y político. Para ello, nos basamos en las epistemologías feminista y descolonial que nos permiten percibir las resistencias generalmente invisibilizadas por la colonialidad de género y a menudo ignoradas por el feminismo hegemónico. Metodológicamente, este estudio se basa en una investigación cualitativa en la que se entrevistaron 110 mujeres en 105 favelas de Rio de Janeiro. Nos basamos principalmente en las respuestas a la pregunta de si se consideran o no feministas y por qué. Así, proponemos una amplia definición del feminismo popular que se caracteriza por la subjetividad específica de estas mujeres, su trabajo en red, su compromiso radical con la favela y su temporalidad diferenciada de acción en la ciudad. ; Neste artigo, temos como objetivo apresentar e ampliar o conceito de feminismo popular na América Latina a partir do caso das mulheres de favelas que são reconhecidas pelo seu ativismo social e ...
The article analyzes the political and theoretical potential of cinematographic language to express and rebuild the relationship between sexual and gender differences. As cultural products, the three films analyzed - A Casa Assassinada (1972), Sunday, bloody Sunday (1971) and Les Amities Particulières (1964) - allude to feminist issues of the time, as well as instigating a reading of gender beyond the narratives, by historicizing the visibility of the female body, heteronormativity, and the subversiveness of forbidden loves as represented through the films' structure. The text argues, from a queer perspective, that the aesthetic nature of twist cinema, within the limits of each style and period, was precisely the boldness to run risks in its visual grammar, not making political concessions in challenging the moral canons of current society.
Manuela Castañeira is an Argentine sociologist and feminist linked to the party Novo Movimento Socialista. She was a candidate for the federal deputy of the province of Buenos Aires. in 2018. And, in 2019, was the only woman to run in the Argentine pre-elections for presidency of the country. During 2018, she actively participated in Ni Una a Menos - a social and political movement in defense of decriminalization and legalization of abortion in Argentina. In 2019, she was a special guest of the 10th edition of the National Seminar for Sociology & Politics, in which she gave the opening lecture. In the event of Castañeira's coming to the event, Tabata Soldan, on behalf of the Executive Committee of Plural Sociologies, interviewed her about the coming presidential elections and the progressive and conservative social movements in Latin America. ; Manuela Castañeira es una socióloga y feminista argentina vinculada al partido Nuevo Movimiento Socialista. Fue candidata a diputada federal de la provincia de Buenos Aires en 2018, y fue la única mujer que se postuló en las preelecciones argentinas de 2019 para la presidencia del país. Durante 2018, participó activamente en Ni Una a Menos, un movimiento social y político en defensa de la despenalización y la legalización del aborto en Argentina. En 2019, fue invitada especial a la décima edición del Seminario Nacional de Sociología y Política, en el que dio la conferencia inaugural. A raíz de su llegada al evento, Tabata Soldan, en representación del Comité Ejecutivo de Sociologias Plurals, entrevistó a Manuela Castañeira sobre movimientos sociales progresistas y conservadores en América Latina y elecciones presidenciales. ; Manuela Castañeira é uma socióloga e feminista argentina vinculada ao partido Novo Movimento Socialista. Foi candidata à deputada federal da província de Buenos Aires em 2018, e foi a única mulher a concorrer, nas pré-eleições argentinas de 2019, à presidência do país. Durante o ano de 2018, participou ativamente do Ni Una a Menos, movimento social e político em defesa da descriminalização e legalização do aborto na Argentina. Em 2019, foi convidada especial da X edição do Seminário Nacional Sociologia & Política, no qual proferiu a palestra de abertura. No ensejo de sua vinda ao evento, Tabata Soldan, em nome da Comissão Executiva da Sociologias Plurais, entrevistou Manuela Castañeira sobre movimentos sociais progressistas e conservadores na América Latina e eleições presidenciais.
Manuela Castañeira é uma socióloga e feminista argentina vinculada ao partido Novo Movimento Socialista. Foi candidata à deputada federal da província de Buenos Aires em 2018, e foi a única mulher a concorrer, nas pré-eleições argentinas de 2019, à presidência do país. Durante o ano de 2018, participou ativamente do Ni Una a Menos, movimento social e político em defesa da descriminalização e legalização do aborto na Argentina. Em 2019, foi convidada especial da X edição do Seminário Nacional Sociologia & Política, no qual proferiu a palestra de abertura. No ensejo de sua vinda ao evento, Tabata Soldan, em nome da Comissão Executiva da Sociologias Plurais, entrevistou Manuela Castañeira sobre movimentos sociais progressistas e conservadores na América Latina e eleições presidenciais. ; Manuela Castañeira is an Argentine sociologist and feminist linked to the party Novo Movimento Socialista. She was a candidate for the federal deputy of the province of Buenos Aires. in 2018. And, in 2019, was the only woman to run in the Argentine pre-elections for presidency of the country. During 2018, she actively participated in Ni Una a Menos - a social and political movement in defense of decriminalization and legalization of abortion in Argentina. In 2019, she was a special guest of the 10th edition of the National Seminar for Sociology & Politics, in which she gave the opening lecture. In the event of Castañeira's coming to the event, Tabata Soldan, on behalf of the Executive Committee of Plural Sociologies, interviewed her about the coming presidential elections and the progressive and conservative social movements in Latin America. ; Manuela Castañeira es una socióloga y feminista argentina vinculada al partido Nuevo Movimiento Socialista. Fue candidata a diputada federal de la provincia de Buenos Aires en 2018, y fue la única mujer que se postuló en las preelecciones argentinas de 2019 para la presidencia del país. Durante 2018, participó activamente en Ni Una a Menos, un movimiento social y político en defensa de la despenalización y la legalización del aborto en Argentina. En 2019, fue invitada especial a la décima edición del Seminario Nacional de Sociología y Política, en el que dio la conferencia inaugural. A raíz de su llegada al evento, Tabata Soldan, en representación del Comité Ejecutivo de Sociologias Plurals, entrevistó a Manuela Castañeira sobre movimientos sociales progresistas y conservadores en América Latina y elecciones presidenciales.
Manuela Castañeira is an Argentine sociologist and feminist linked to the party Novo Movimento Socialista. She was a candidate for the federal deputy of the province of Buenos Aires. in 2018. And, in 2019, was the only woman to run in the Argentine pre-elections for presidency of the country. During 2018, she actively participated in Ni Una a Menos - a social and political movement in defense of decriminalization and legalization of abortion in Argentina. In 2019, she was a special guest of the 10th edition of the National Seminar for Sociology & Politics, in which she gave the opening lecture. In the event of Castañeira's coming to the event, Tabata Soldan, on behalf of the Executive Committee of Plural Sociologies, interviewed her about the coming presidential elections and the progressive and conservative social movements in Latin America. ; Manuela Castañeira es una socióloga y feminista argentina vinculada al partido Nuevo Movimiento Socialista. Fue candidata a diputada federal de la provincia de Buenos Aires en 2018, y fue la única mujer que se postuló en las preelecciones argentinas de 2019 para la presidencia del país. Durante 2018, participó activamente en Ni Una a Menos, un movimiento social y político en defensa de la despenalización y la legalización del aborto en Argentina. En 2019, fue invitada especial a la décima edición del Seminario Nacional de Sociología y Política, en el que dio la conferencia inaugural. A raíz de su llegada al evento, Tabata Soldan, en representación del Comité Ejecutivo de Sociologias Plurals, entrevistó a Manuela Castañeira sobre movimientos sociales progresistas y conservadores en América Latina y elecciones presidenciales. ; Manuela Castañeira é uma socióloga e feminista argentina vinculada ao partido Novo Movimento Socialista. Foi candidata à deputada federal da província de Buenos Aires em 2018, e foi a única mulher a concorrer, nas pré-eleições argentinas de 2019, à presidência do país. Durante o ano de 2018, participou ativamente do Ni Una a Menos, movimento social e político em defesa da descriminalização e legalização do aborto na Argentina. Em 2019, foi convidada especial da X edição do Seminário Nacional Sociologia & Política, no qual proferiu a palestra de abertura. No ensejo de sua vinda ao evento, Tabata Soldan, em nome da Comissão Executiva da Sociologias Plurais, entrevistou Manuela Castañeira sobre movimentos sociais progressistas e conservadores na América Latina e eleições presidenciais.
Resumo. Este artigo se propõe a uma discussão teórica sobre duas proposições da filósofa Judith Butler: gênero como performance e gênero como paródia. Para isso, recupera o pensamento do filósofo Jacques Derrida e apresenta hipóteses de articulação entre os dois autores, articulações estas que contribuiriam para a compreensão dos argumentos de Butler não "contra" o feminismo, mas como uma problematização dos termos em que as reivindicações emancipatórias da política identitária se instituíram. Palavras-chave: feminismo; gênero; pós-estruturalismo; teoria queer; Judith Butler Performance, género, lenguage y alteridad: J. Butler leyendo a J. Derrida Resumen. Este artículo propone una discusión teórica sobre dos proposiciones de Judith Butler: el género como performance y el género como parodia. Para ello, retoma el pensamiento de Jacques Derrida y presenta hipótesis de articulación entre ambos autores, que contribuirían a la comprensión de los argumentos de Butler no como 'contra' el feminismo sino como una problematización de los términos en que se han instituido las reivindicaciones emancipatorias de la política identitaria. Palabras clave: feminismo; género; post estructuralismo; teoría queer; Judith Butler Performance, gender, language and otherness: Butler as reader of Derrida Abstract. This article discusses two propositions by philosopher Judith Butler: gender as per- formance and gender as parody. A retrieval of the works of philosopher Jacques Derrida sup- ports hypotheses on the dialogue between the two authors, which allow for an understanding of Butler's arguments not as 'against' feminism, but as a challenge to the terms by which the emancipatory claims of identity politics have been formulated. Keywords: feminism; gender; Post-structuralism; Queer Theory; Judith Butler
El post-estructuralismo esgrimió una de las principales críticas a la modernidad basándose en el concepto de de-construcción de Jacques Derridá, mediante el cuál cuestionó la racionalidad occidental binaria y etnocéntrica. A su vez, las teorías feministas trabajaron en la de-construcción de la categoría mujer. Sin embargo, consideramos que han sido las nuevas corrientes feministas las que, incorporando la operación de-constructiva, han renovado las líneas teóricas en relación con la especificidad de su objeto de estudio y con sus posicionamientos políticos. Palabras clave: feminismo; post-estructuralismo; de-construcción; subjetividad; género Feminismo filosófico e pensamento pós-estruturalista: teorias e reflexões a respeito das noções de sujeito e identidade feminina O pós-estruturalismo estabeleceu uma das principais críticas à modernidade apoiando-se no conceito de desconstrução de Jacques Derrida, mediante o qual questionou a racionalidade ocidental binária e etnocêntrica. Por sua vez, as teorias feministas trabalharam na desconstrução da categoria mulher. Entretanto, consideramos que foram as novas correntes feministas as que, incorporando a operação desconstrutiva, renovaram as linhas teóricas em relação à especificidade de seu objeto de estudo e aos seus posicionamentos políticos. Palavras-chave: feminismo; pós-estruturalismo; desconstrução; subjetividade; gênero Philosophical Feminism and Post-structuralist thought: theories and reflections on the notions of female subject and identity Post-structuralism wielded one of the main critiques of Modernity, based on Jacques Derrida's concept of deconstruction, which questions the binarism and ethnocentrism of Western rationality. Feminist theories also worked on the deconstruction of 'woman' as a category. Nevertheless, we argue that, by incorporating the deconstructive operation, new feminist trends have renewed theory in relation to the specificity of their object of study and political stances. Keywords: Feminism; Post-structuralism; Deconstruction; Subjectivity; Gender
As questões políticas e estéticas que emergem da prática ativista feminista, expressa no estudo de caso que vamos analisar: imagens/fotografias/memes postados no perfil do Instagram da personagem/performer Ex-Miss Febem, criada pela artista e ativista Aleta Valente. Nesse contexto, refletiremos as noções de Beatriz Preciado de "tecnologias do gênero" e "contrassexualidade" na construção de um pós-feminismo. ; The political and aesthetic issues that emerge from feminist activist practice, expressed in the case study that we are going to analyze: images/photographs/memes posted in the Instagram profile of the character/performer Ex-Miss Febem, created by the artist and activist Aleta Valente. In this context, we will reflect Beatriz Preciado's notions of "gender technologies" and "counter-sexuality" in the construction of a post-feminism.
The aim of this article is contributing to a great variety of theoretical perspectives and empirical settings to generate cumulative evidence about the influence of historical legacies and organisational ability for managing the past. In a continuation of critical perspectives that challenges the dominance of Anglo-Saxon onto-epistemologies in management and organisation studies (MOS), we conducted an empirical study on a multinational airline company whose past successes depended on the North/South, Anglo/Latin American borderlands. We analysed the grand narratives of Pan American Airways' (PAA) corporate archival material to determine its dominant discourses about people from Latin America. Based on the three themes of politics, economics, and culture, we present three grand narratives, or official stories, that we argue summarise PAA storytelling about Latin America between 1927 and 1960. Following decolonial feminism, we aim to recontextualise the past and the hegemonic storytelling embedded in PAA's grand narratives. ; peerReviewed
Feminism contested conservative gender ideologies by emphasising the social construction of gender; but this risked treating gender as disembodied. Gender is indeed fully social, but it is also embodied; it concerns the way reproductive bodies enter human history. The steering of the process of social embodiment is inherently political; it is affected by recent changes in the institutional world. Notably, gender relations are re-shaped in colonialism and post-colonial globalization, themselves gendered processes. In the reconfiguration of power, a new kind of ruling class, organized on a world scale, has been emerging; its masculinized leadership is articulated with local patriarchies in the new economy. Unrestrained neoliberal power leads to new levels of commodification of bodies and new patterns of gendered violence. Resistance and opposition will also require new political configurations. ; O feminismo contestou as ideologias de género conservadoras, realçando a construção social do género, o que suscitou o risco de tratar o género como sendo descorporificado. O género é, efetivamente, integralmente social, mas também é corporificado, dizendo respeito à forma como os corpos reprodutores entram na história da humanidade. A condução do processo de corporificação social é inerentemente política e afetada por mudanças recentes no mundo institucional. Em particular, as relações de género são reformuladas no colonialismo e na globalização pós-colonial, eles próprios processos genderizados. Na reconfiguração do poder, tem vindo a emergir um novo tipo de classe dominante, organizada à escala mundial, e a sua liderança masculinizada é articulada com patriarcados locais na nova economia. O desenfreado poder neoliberal conduz a novos níveis de mercantilização dos corpos e a novos padrões de violência de género. A resistência e a oposição também necessitarão de novas configurações políticas.
Feminism contested conservative gender ideologies by emphasising the social construction of gender; but this risked treating gender as disembodied. Gender is indeed fully social, but it is also embodied; it concerns the way reproductive bodies enter human history. The steering of the process of social embodiment is inherently political; it is affected by recent changes in the institutional world. Notably, gender relations are re-shaped in colonialism and post-colonial globalization, themselves gendered processes. In the reconfiguration of power, a new kind of ruling class, organized on a world scale, has been emerging; its masculinized leadership is articulated with local patriarchies in the new economy. Unrestrained neoliberal power leads to new levels of commodification of bodies and new patterns of gendered violence. Resistance and opposition will also require new political configurations. ; O feminismo contestou as ideologias de género conservadoras, realçando a construção social do género, o que suscitou o risco de tratar o género como sendo descorporificado. O género é, efetivamente, integralmente social, mas também é corporificado, dizendo respeito à forma como os corpos reprodutores entram na história da humanidade. A condução do processo de corporificação social é inerentemente política e afetada por mudanças recentes no mundo institucional. Em particular, as relações de género são reformuladas no colonialismo e na globalização pós-colonial, eles próprios processos genderizados. Na reconfiguração do poder, tem vindo a emergir um novo tipo de classe dominante, organizada à escala mundial, e a sua liderança masculinizada é articulada com patriarcados locais na nova economia. O desenfreado poder neoliberal conduz a novos níveis de mercantilização dos corpos e a novos padrões de violência de género. A resistência e a oposição também necessitarão de novas configurações políticas.
This article aims to investigate the intersections of gender/race in the socio-spatial trajectories of black filmmakers, with a view to understanding the strategies they use to face racism and sexism, in their filmmaking and in their leisure experiences. The research is based on the contributions of decolonial thought, intersectional black feminism, critical studies of leisure and cinema. The methodology of this qualitative research included a bibliographic study and in-depth interviews with seven black filmmakers, which were analyzed using the Discourse of the Collective Subject-DSC technique. The main strategies that have the power of meaning to face racism and sexism in filmmaking and in the leisure experiences of the interviewees are the narratives of themselves, participation in associations of black collectives and film festivals with a black theme and the experience of a "differentiated leisure", which can be critically enjoyed, even if it is necessary to advance towards subverting the social, cultural and political reality established in our context. In conclusion, the socio-spatial trajectories of black filmmakers unveil inequalities aiming to break with the stereotyped social imaginary, reaffirming the relevance of an "unsubmissive leisure". ; Este artigo objetiva investigar as intersecções de gênero/raça nas trajetórias socioespaciais de cineastas negras, tendo em vista compreender as estratégias por elas utilizadas para enfrentar o racismo e o sexismo, em seu fazer cinematográfico e em suas vivências de lazer. A pesquisa fundamenta-se nas contribuições do pensamento decolonial, do feminismo negro interseccional, dos estudos críticos do lazer e do cinema. A metodologia desta pesquisa qualitativa contou com estudo bibliográfico e entrevistas em profundidade com sete cineastas negras, as quais foram analisadas com o auxílio da técnica do Discurso do Sujeito Coletivo-DSC. As principais estratégias que detém a potência de sentido para enfrentar o racismo e o sexismo no fazer cinematográfico e nas ...
The Nancy N. Boothe papers, 1980-2009 [bulk 1990-1997], are composed of articles, notes, reports and a wide variety of feminist publications. Much of the material documents the U.N. Fourth World Conference on Women, which Ms. Boothe attended as Executive Director of Atlanta's Feminist Women's Health Center. Artifacts, artwork and textiles relate to the conference and to other women's and health issues. ; Born in Battles Wharf, Alabama (1948), Nancy N. Boothe graduated from the University of South Alabama as a registered nurse (1971). She received a B.S. in nursing from the Medical College of Georgia (1976), and a master's degree in Counseling from Troy State University [Florida Region] (1981). Boothe served in the U.S. Nurse Corps in the U.S. and Korea (1970-1984), and worked as clinical director and consultant at a number of health facilities in Louisiana and Florida. She became Executive Director of the Atlanta Feminist Women's Health Center in 1994. In 1995, she attended the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, China, where she taught the workshop, ""GYN Self-Help."" Boothe has served on the boards of All Women's Health Services in Portland and Eugene, Oregon; the Sexual Assault Center, Atlanta, Georgia; and the Jeanette Rankin Foundation, Athens, Georgia. She is also a member of the Feminist Majority Foundation's ""Women's Commission for Congressional Oversight"" and A.P.D. Citizen Review Panel.; Founded in California in 1971 by Carol Downer (1933-) and Lorraine Rothman (1932-2007), the Feminist Women's Health Center was established to empower women through self-knowledge, education and self-help groups. The Atlanta Feminist Women's Health Center was established in 1977. Its mission is to ""provide accessible, comprehensive gynecological healthcare to all who need it without judgment. As innovative healthcare leaders, [they] work collaboratively within [their] community and nationally to promote reproductive health, rights and justice. [They] advocate for wellness, uncensored health information and fair public policies by educating the larger community and empowering [their] clients to make their own decisions.""; The United Nations convened the Fourth World Conference on Women, September 4-15, 1995, in Beijing, China, with a Platform for Action that aimed at achieving greater equality and opportunity for women. Three previous World Conferences were held in Mexico City (International Women's Year, 1975), Copenhagen (1980) and Nairobi (1985). 189 governments and more than 5,000 representatives from 2,100 non-governmental organizations participated in the Beijing Conference. The principal themes were the advancement and empowerment of women in relation to women's human rights, women and poverty, women and decision-making, the girl-child, violence against women and other areas of concern. The resulting documents of the Conference are The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. The U.N. Fourth World Conference on Women manifested a global women's movement for change and has been called ""the Woodstock of the women's movement.""; The World Conference on Women was also accompanied by an informal meeting (August 30-September 8) of non-governmental organizations (NGOs). This NGO Forum on Women, Beijing '95, brought together thousands of women from around the world to exchange information and ideas, celebrate women's achievements and contributions and draw attention and develop solutions to discrimination facing women world-wide.
The Nancy N. Boothe papers, 1980-2009 [bulk 1990-1997], are composed of articles, notes, reports and a wide variety of feminist publications. Much of the material documents the U.N. Fourth World Conference on Women, which Ms. Boothe attended as Executive Director of Atlanta's Feminist Women's Health Center. Artifacts, artwork and textiles relate to the conference and to other women's and health issues. ; Born in Battles Wharf, Alabama (1948), Nancy N. Boothe graduated from the University of South Alabama as a registered nurse (1971). She received a B.S. in nursing from the Medical College of Georgia (1976), and a master's degree in Counseling from Troy State University [Florida Region] (1981). Boothe served in the U.S. Nurse Corps in the U.S. and Korea (1970-1984), and worked as clinical director and consultant at a number of health facilities in Louisiana and Florida. She became Executive Director of the Atlanta Feminist Women's Health Center in 1994. In 1995, she attended the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, China, where she taught the workshop, ""GYN Self-Help."" Boothe has served on the boards of All Women's Health Services in Portland and Eugene, Oregon; the Sexual Assault Center, Atlanta, Georgia; and the Jeanette Rankin Foundation, Athens, Georgia. She is also a member of the Feminist Majority Foundation's ""Women's Commission for Congressional Oversight"" and A.P.D. Citizen Review Panel.; Founded in California in 1971 by Carol Downer (1933-) and Lorraine Rothman (1932-2007), the Feminist Women's Health Center was established to empower women through self-knowledge, education and self-help groups. The Atlanta Feminist Women's Health Center was established in 1977. Its mission is to ""provide accessible, comprehensive gynecological healthcare to all who need it without judgment. As innovative healthcare leaders, [they] work collaboratively within [their] community and nationally to promote reproductive health, rights and justice. [They] advocate for wellness, uncensored health information and fair public policies by educating the larger community and empowering [their] clients to make their own decisions.""; The United Nations convened the Fourth World Conference on Women, September 4-15, 1995, in Beijing, China, with a Platform for Action that aimed at achieving greater equality and opportunity for women. Three previous World Conferences were held in Mexico City (International Women's Year, 1975), Copenhagen (1980) and Nairobi (1985). 189 governments and more than 5,000 representatives from 2,100 non-governmental organizations participated in the Beijing Conference. The principal themes were the advancement and empowerment of women in relation to women's human rights, women and poverty, women and decision-making, the girl-child, violence against women and other areas of concern. The resulting documents of the Conference are The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. The U.N. Fourth World Conference on Women manifested a global women's movement for change and has been called ""the Woodstock of the women's movement.""; The World Conference on Women was also accompanied by an informal meeting (August 30-September 8) of non-governmental organizations (NGOs). This NGO Forum on Women, Beijing '95, brought together thousands of women from around the world to exchange information and ideas, celebrate women's achievements and contributions and draw attention and develop solutions to discrimination facing women world-wide.
