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This article proposes an interpretation of the armed conflict from an evolutionary view that takes into account the concept of private protection agencies in the works of Schelling / Nozick / Gambetta. Its aim is also to assess the dynamics of conflict and changes from the author's scientific output. A context of conflicts that includes new expressions of violence and the relative failure of the paramilitary reintegration involves using new analytical models (argumentation, game theory and inconsistent information). The recent evolution of emerging bands and their expansion into areas that were paramilitary camps requires monitoring not only by the government and authorities, but also from those researching the conflict in its current phase. The author proposes a heuristic research support from Schelling's theory of strategy, Nozick's protection agencies, and Gambetta's recent contributions on the relationshi p between organized crime and drug cartels. ; Este artículo propone una lectura del conflicto armado desde una concepción evolutiva que toma en cuenta el concepto de agencias de protección privada en las obras de Schelling/Nozick/Gambetta. Su objetivo también es evaluar la dinámica y los cambios del conflicto desde la propia producción científica del autor. Un contexto de conflictos que comprende nuevas expresiones de violencia y el fracaso relativo de la reinserción paramilitar, supone emplear nuevos modelos analíticos (argumentación, teoría de juegos e información inconsistente). La evolución reciente de las bandas emergentes y su expansión territorial en zonas que fueron campamentos paramilitares, requiere un seguimiento no sólo del gobierno y las autoridades, sino de quienes investigan el conflicto en su presente fase. El autor propone una heurística de apoyo a la investigación desde la teoría de la estrategia de Schelling, las agencias de protección de Nozick y los aportes recientes de Gambetta sobre las relaciones entre el crimen organizado y los carteles de las drogas.

Abstract The Colombian conflict has been one of the longest-running disputes in the Western world. Although the signing of the peace treaty in 2016 gave hope back to the territory, this process did not happen overnight, so it was necessary to go through a historical journey to get the results today, where one of its fundamental milestones was the law of victims and the framework for peace. Through a review of the literature, this article seeks to analyze the impact on the Colombian conflict and the dynamics of the actors involved from the perspective of the law of victims. Among the most significant findings is that the Victims' Law should not be seen as a panacea to solve all the country's problems. Few recognize that it is a first step in the right direction, and the government's courage to takeit must be stressed. In that sense, the authorities must show good intentions, imagination and political will to allow the military response on the one hand, and generate and implement initiatives and policies with facts on the other hand. Keywords: Armed conflict in Colombia, victims' law, peace, reconciliation Resumen El conflicto colombiano ha sido una de las disputas ma?s largas del mundo occidental. Aunque la firma del tratado de paz en 2016 devolvio? la esperanza al territorio, este proceso no se produjo de la noche a la man?ana, por lo que fue necesario hacer un recorrido histo?rico para obtener los resultados hoy, donde uno de sus hitos fundamentales fue la ley de vi?ctimas y el marco de la paz. A trave?s de una revisio?n de la literatura, este arti?culo busca analizar el impacto en el conflicto colombiano y la dina?mica de los actores involucrados desde la perspectiva del derecho de las vi?ctimas. Entre los hallazgos ma?s significativos se encuentra que la Ley de Vi?ctimas no debe ser vista como una panacea para resolver todos los problemas del pai?s. Pocos reconocen que es un primer paso en la direccio?n correcta, y hay que destacar el valor del gobierno para darlo. En ese sentido, las autoridades deben mostrar buenas intenciones, imaginacio?n y voluntad poli?tica para permitir la respuesta militar, por un lado, generar y aplicar iniciativas y poli?ticas con hechos por otro lado. Palabras clave: Conflicto armado en Colombia, derecho de las vi?ctimas, paz, reconciliacio?n ; Abstract The Colombian conflict has been one of the longest-running disputes in the Western world. Although the signing of the peace treaty in 2016 gave hope back to the territory, this process did not happen overnight, so it was necessary to go through a historical journey to get the results today, where one of its fundamental milestones was the law of victims and the framework for peace. Through a review of the literature, this article seeks to analyze the impact on the Colombian conflict and the dynamics of the actors involved from the perspective of the law of victims. Among the most significant findings is that the Victims' Law should not be seen as a panacea to solve all the country's problems. Few recognize that it is a first step in the right direction, and the government's courage to takeit must be stressed. In that sense, the authorities must show good intentions, imagination and political will to allow the military response on the one hand, and generate and implement initiatives and policies with facts on the other hand. Keywords: Armed conflict in Colombia, victims' law, peace, reconciliation Resumen El conflicto colombiano ha sido una de las disputas ma?s largas del mundo occidental. Aunque la firma del tratado de paz en 2016 devolvio? la esperanza al territorio, este proceso no se produjo de la noche a la man?ana, por lo que fue necesario hacer un recorrido histo?rico para obtener los resultados hoy, donde uno de sus hitos fundamentales fue la ley de vi?ctimas y el marco de la paz. A trave?s de una revisio?n de la literatura, este arti?culo busca analizar el impacto en el conflicto colombiano y la dina?mica de los actores involucrados desde la perspectiva del derecho de las vi?ctimas. Entre los hallazgos ma?s significativos se encuentra que la Ley de Vi?ctimas no debe ser vista como una panacea para resolver todos los problemas del pai?s. Pocos reconocen que es un primer paso en la direccio?n correcta, y hay que destacar el valor del gobierno para darlo. En ese sentido, las autoridades deben mostrar buenas intenciones, imaginacio?n y voluntad poli?tica para permitir la respuesta militar, por un lado, generar y aplicar iniciativas y poli?ticas con hechos por otro lado. Palabras clave: Conflicto armado en Colombia, derecho de las vi?ctimas, paz, reconciliacio?n

El conflicto armado colombiano está lleno de enseñanzas para la resolución negociada de conflictos. En la medida en que ha sido una confrontación compleja y prolongada, los grupos armados se han convertido en protagonistas. Tanto sus objetivos como el uso de la violencia han generado controversias alrededor de cuáles deben ser las acciones o respuestas que se implementan para hacer frente a dichas situaciones. Al igual que en otros países, los actores involucrados han participado en numerosos acercamientos, diálogos políticos o procesos de paz, aportando experiencias de negociaciones que involucran a diferentes sectores de la sociedad civil, actores estatales, comunidad internacional y organizaciones multilaterales.En este sentido, resulta pertinente no sólo retomar el surgimiento, caracterización y posibles motivaciones de tres de los más grandes grupos al margen de la ley —paramilitares, ELN, FARC— que han participado en el conflicto, sino también explorar las formas de acercamiento a estos por parte del gobierno colombiano y sus diferentes administraciones, para así comprender la complejidad y las múltiples dimensiones desde las cuales se representan diversas visiones sobre la evolución del conflicto y los hechos de corta, mediana y larga duración, en tanto esto permite dilucidar las continuidades y discontinuidades que han dado paso a ver el fenómeno a través de causas culturales, complejos políticos o perspectivas económicas. ; --- The armed conflict in Colombia is full of lessons for negotiated conflict resolution. Insofar as this has been a complex and long-lasting confrontation, the armed groups have now become protagonists. Their objectives as much as their use of violence has generated controversy about which actions or responses should be implemented to face such situations. Similarly to other countries, the players concerned have participated in several rapprochements, political dialogues or peace processes by contributing experience in negotiations that involve different sectors of the civil society, state players, the international community, and multilateral organizations. To that effect, it is relevant not only to retake the emergence, characterization and possible motivations of three of the biggest groups outside the law –paramilitary, ELN, FARC– which have participated in the conflict, but also to explore the rapprochement methods the Colombian government and its different administrations have employed with these groups. This way, we can fully understand the complexity and the multiple dimensions in the representation of various views of the conflict evolution and the short, medium, and long-term events in as much as this allows clarification of the continuity and discontinuity that have resulted in seeing the phenomenon from the standpoint of cultural causes, political complexities or economic perspectives.

This paper is an attempt to understand the conflict that affected Nepal for a decade, with specific reference to the changing role structure of women. It explores the changes that have taken place in the society post conflict and the strategic roles that women can play. My focus on Nepal allows for an understanding of armed conflict and its repercussions through women's experiences of coping with the changes that they have to adapt to. It also highlights the past movements in Nepal led by women which defines the strength that women have as political and social agents. ; Resumen: Este artículo pretende analizar cómo el conflicto que ha afectado al Nepal durante una década ha podido afectar al papel de las mujeres en aquella sociedad. Explora los cambios que han tenido lugar y los papeles estratégicos que han asumido las mujeres. El enfoque permite una comprensión más amplia del conflicto armado y de sus repercusiones, a través de las experiencias de aceptación y adaptación a los cambios que han tenido que realizar las mujeres. Asimismo, llama la atención sobre movimientos nepalíes previos liderados por mujeres, que permiten definir la fuerza que éstas tienen como agentes sociales y políticos.

Historically Colombian society has always been affected by the armed conflict being experienced in the country. Tere is a considerable need to seek ways for getting answers to what has been called a civil war by some and by others as terrorism, and in other cases an internal armed conflict; in that sense it is easy to observe that at the institutional and social level, the armed conflict is defined without any academic rigor, thus limiting the establishment of valid categories and consequently the absence of an appropriate mechanism or instrument that provides adequate treatment of the problem of the armed conflict in Colombia. Te recourse to international humanitarian law has beneficial effects such as the protection of civilians, holding perpetrators accountable, humanizing hostilities and its point of consciousness to present a common language that accordingly allows a solution without arms to the problem that fuels the armed conflict in Colombia. Added to this, some violentologists have taken part in the analysis conceptualizing the armed conflict facing Colombia as a behavioral issue that is clearly based on defining the Colombian man as violent by nature, a fact which from our observation one should be weary of and to resist, as whenever Colombia has experienced wars, it could be due to various causes differing from that of classifying the nature of man in Colombia, such as that of the decolonization, independence, state-building, the establishing of binding rules, the monopoly of force and the ordering of society of itself. In accordance with the above, an ongoing Doctorate in Sociology of Law and Political Institutions at the External University of Colombia was established in order to solve the question that was posed of how to define the Colombian armed conflict in a meaningful way using a recognized category, to somehow limit the qualifications that were provided by governments and society itself according to their interests in that some cases coincide with those of the State but that in others, subject civilians to extensive damages arising from armed actions, without there being an exit that greatly exceeds the military option. ; La sociedad colombiana ha estado siempre afectada por la confrontación armada que históricamente vive el país, existe una sensible necesidad de tener caminos y de obtener respuestas frente a lo que se ha venido calificando para unos como guerra civil, para otros como "Terrorismo", y en otros casos como un conflicto armado interno; en ese sentido, es fácilmente observable que a nivel institucional, así como a nivel social se califica la confrontación armada sin ningún rigor académico, lo que limita el establecimiento de categorías válidas y consecuentemente la ausencia de un mecanismo o instrumento idóneo que permita un tratamiento adecuado del problema armado en Colombia. La invocación del Derecho Internacional Humanitario contiene efectos benéficos como la protección de civiles, responsabilizar victimarios, humanizar las hostilidades y en su punto de conciencia presentar un lenguaje compartido y acorde que permita una salida no armada al problema que alienta la confrontación armada en Colombia. Sumado a lo anterior, algunos violentólogos han tomado parte en el análisis conceptuando frente al problema armado en Colombia como un asunto claramente conductual que se fundamenta en definir al hombre colombiano como de naturaleza violenta, hecho éste que desde nuestro observador advierte resistencia, toda vez que las guerras que ha vivido Colombia podrían obedecer a causas diversas a la calificación de la naturaleza del hombre colombiano,tales como la descolonización, la independencia, la construcción de Estado, el establecimiento de las normas vinculantes, el monopolio de la fuerza; el orden en sí de la sociedad. De acuerdo a lo anterior, se originó en curso del Doctorado en Sociología Jurídica e Instituciones Políticas en la Universidad Externado de Colombia, resolver el interrogante que se planteaba de cómo definir de manera válida mediante una categoría reconocida el problema armado colombiano, para de alguna manera limitar las calificaciones que se surtían por gobernantes y por la misma sociedad de acuerdo a sus intereses que en algunos casos coinciden con los del Estado, pero en otros, someten a la población civil a innumerables daños frente a las acciones armadas, sin que exista una salida que supere en gran medida la alternativa militar.

Este paper estudia la relación entre algunos de los eventos más importantes del conflicto colombiano con la percepción extranjera de riesgo soberano, medido por los Credit Default Swaps (CDS) de los bonos del Gobierno Colombiano. Usando dos metodologías relativamente recientes, yo estimo el efecto causal de los eventos de conflicto ampliamente cubierto por los medios internacionales. En primer lugar construyo un grupo de control sintético que funciona como contra factual de la serie real de los CDS colombianos pero en ausencia de eventos de conflicto. Segundo, estimo el efecto acumulado del evento bajo la metodología de retornos anormales acumulados. Los resultados sugieren que los efectos de los eventos de conflicto sobre la percepción extranjera de riesgo soberano dependen de las especificaciones de cada evento. ; This paper studies the relationship between some of the most important recent events of the Colombian armed conflict and the foreign perception of risk of investment, as measured by the Credit Default Swap (CDS) for the Colombian government. Combining two recent methodologies I estimate the causal effect of conflict events widely publicized by the international media on the CDS. I construct a synthetic control group to use as the non-conflict counterfactual of the actual Colombian CDS and compare its behavior around conflict-event days with that of the actual (conflict-affected) Colombian CDS. Results suggest that the impact of conflict on the foreign perception of risk depend on on the specifics of each event: Some events are perceived as good and some other as bad investment signals by foreign investors.

Hereby we present an explanation of the causes that have determined geopolitical changes derived from the armed confrontation between the state force and paraestatal groupings in Valle del Cauca (Colombia). This paper is the first part of a project encompassing three central components of the armed conflict and its regional impact: (a) the relevance of geography to understand political and economic transformations arising from local war; (b) the economic and financial structure supporting the formation and survival of irregular armies within a determined geographic region; (c) the strategic correlations that differentiate and assimilate the groups fighting for predominance in the regional geography. We restricted the research to the first of the three components. A later work should show us the correlations between paraestatal associations, their new identities and geopolitical impact within the whole Colombian geography. ; Aquí se expone una explicación sobre las causas que han determinado cambios geopolíticos derivados de la confrontación armada entre la fuerza pública y las agrupaciones paraestatales en el Valle de Cauca (Colombia). Este trabajo constituye la primera parte de un proyecto que distingue tres componentes centrales del conflicto armado y su impacto a nivel regional: (a) la relevancia de la geografía para comprender las trasformaciones políticas y económicas derivadas de la guerra local; (b) la estructura económica y financiera que sustenta la formación y el mantenimiento de los ejércitos irregulares dentro de una región geográfica determinada; (c) las correlaciones estratégicas que distinguen y asimilan a las agrupaciones que luchan por el predominio sobre la geografía regional. Restringimos la búsqueda al primero de los tres componentes. Un trabajo posterior debe mostrarnos las correlaciones entre agrupaciones paraestatales, sus nuevas identidades y el impacto geopolítico que han tenido dentro del conjunto global de la geografía en Colombia.

Hereby we present an explanation of the causes that have determined geopolitical changes derived from the armed confrontation between the state force and paraestatal groupings in Valle del Cauca (Colombia). This paper is the first part of a project encompassing three central components of the armed conflict and its regional impact: (a) the relevance of geography to understand political and economic transformations arising from local war; (b) the economic and financial structure supporting the formation and survival of irregular armies within a determined geographic region; (c) the strategic correlations that differentiate and assimilate the groups fighting for predominance in the regional geography. We restricted the research to the first of the three components. A later work should show us the correlations between paraestatal associations, their new identities and geopolitical impact within the whole Colombian geography. ; Aquí se expone una explicación sobre las causas que han determinado cambios geopolíticos derivados de la confrontación armada entre la fuerza pública y las agrupaciones paraestatales en el Valle de Cauca (Colombia). Este trabajo constituye la primera parte de un proyecto que distingue tres componentes centrales del conflicto armado y su impacto a nivel regional: (a) la relevancia de la geografía para comprender las trasformaciones políticas y económicas derivadas de la guerra local; (b) la estructura económica y financiera que sustenta la formación y el mantenimiento de los ejércitos irregulares dentro de una región geográfica determinada; (c) las correlaciones estratégicas que distinguen y asimilan a las agrupaciones que luchan por el predominio sobre la geografía regional. Restringimos la búsqueda al primero de los tres componentes. Un trabajo posterior debe mostrarnos las correlaciones entre agrupaciones paraestatales, sus nuevas identidades y el impacto geopolítico que han tenido dentro del conjunto global de la geografía en Colombia.

By analysing the "code for the coverage of the Colombian armed conflict", this paper argues that journalism ethics needs to be understood not only as a matter of journalists. Ethics also depends on the context which journalists do their job. For example, in wartime, the reporting of news is influenced not only by the economic, symbolic and media constraints, but also by the strategic aims of the armed groups. Thus, ethics codes are more than documents in which journalists state how to do their job in a right way. Like the case of the Colombian armed conflict illustrates, ethics codes are documents in which journalists defend their independence, protect themselves from threats and claim for better work conditions. In this sense, ethics codes in wartime function more as political acts of communications rather than just training documents.

By analysing the "code for the coverage of the Colombian armed conflict", this paper argues that journalism ethics needs to be understood not only as a matter of journalists. Ethics also depends on the context which journalists do their job. For example, in wartime, the reporting of news is influenced not only by the economic, symbolic and media constraints, but also by the strategic aims of the armed groups. Thus, ethics codes are more than documents in which journalists state how to do their job in a right way. Like the case of the Colombian armed conflict illustrates, ethics codes are documents in which journalists defend their independence, protect themselves from threats and argue for better work conditions. In this sense, ethics codes in wartime function more as political acts of communications rather than just training documents.

By analysing the "code for the coverage of the Colombian armed conflict", this paper argues that journalism ethics needs to be understood not only as a matter of journalists. Ethics also depends on the context which journalists do their job. For example, in wartime, the reporting of news is influenced not only by the economic, symbolic and media constraints, but also by the strategic aims of the armed groups. Thus, ethics codes are more than documents in which journalists state how to do their job in a right way. Like the case of the Colombian armed conflict illustrates, ethics codes are documents in which journalists defend their independence, protect themselves from threats and argue for better work conditions. In this sense, ethics codes in wartime function more as political acts of communications rather than just training documents.

BASTRACT: This paper analyzes the relationship between poverty and armed conflict in Antioquia, Colombia. The poverty analysis is framed within Sen's capability approach, which forms the conceptual basis of the multidimensional poverty index (Alkire and Foster, 2011). The MPI is measured with data from a government database called SISBEN, used to target social assistance programs, while the armed conflict is measured through count data about violent events during the period 1996-2010 on each municipality. The possible existence of a relationship between poverty and armed conflict is analyzed through exploratory and non¬parametric methods. The results so far suggest that the MPI is robust to the multidimensional cut off. Also, they show that those areas more affected by conflict usually showcase high levels of multidimensional poverty.

--- The armed conflict in Colombia is full of lessons for negotiated conflict resolution. Insofar as this has been a complex and long-lasting confrontation, the armed groups have now become protagonists. Their objectives as much as their use of violence has generated controversy about which actions or responses should be implemented to face such situations. Similarly to other countries, the players concerned have participated in several rapprochements, political dialogues or peace processes by contributing experience in negotiations that involve different sectors of the civil society, state players, the international community, and multilateral organizations. To that effect, it is relevant not only to retake the emergence, characterization and possible motivations of three of the biggest groups outside the law –paramilitary, ELN, FARC– which have participated in the conflict, but also to explore the rapprochement methods the Colombian government and its different administrations have employed with these groups. This way, we can fully understand the complexity and the multiple dimensions in the representation of various views of the conflict evolution and the short, medium, and long-term events in as much as this allows clarification of the continuity and discontinuity that have resulted in seeing the phenomenon from the standpoint of cultural causes, political complexities or economic perspectives. ; El conflicto armado colombiano está lleno de enseñanzas para la resolución negociada de conflictos. En la medida en que ha sido una confrontación compleja y prolongada, los grupos armados se han convertido en protagonistas. Tanto sus objetivos como el uso de la violencia han generado controversias alrededor de cuáles deben ser las acciones o respuestas que se implementan para hacer frente a dichas situaciones. Al igual que en otros países, los actores involucrados han participado en numerosos acercamientos, diálogos políticos o procesos de paz, aportando experiencias de negociaciones que involucran a diferentes sectores de la sociedad civil, actores estatales, comunidad internacional y organizaciones multilaterales. En este sentido, resulta pertinente no sólo retomar el surgimiento, caracterización y posibles motivaciones de tres de los más grandes grupos al margen de la ley —paramilitares, ELN, FARC— que han participado en el conflicto, sino también explorar las formas de acercamiento a estos por parte del gobierno colombiano y sus diferentes administraciones, para así comprender la complejidad y las múltiples dimensiones desde las cuales se representan diversas visiones sobre la evolución del conflicto y los hechos de corta, mediana y larga duración, en tanto esto permite dilucidar las continuidades y discontinuidades que han dado paso a ver el fenómeno a través de causas culturales, complejos políticos o perspectivas económicas. ; O conflito armado colombiano está cheio de ensinos para a resolução negociada de conflitos. Na medida em que tem sido uma confrontação complexa e prolongada, os grupos armados se têm convertido em protagonistas. Tanto seus objetivos quanto o uso da violência têm gerado controvérsias ao redor de quais devem ser as ações ou respostas que se implementam para fazer frente a ditas situações. Igual que em outros países, os atores envolvidos têm participado em numerosas aproximações, diálogos políticos ou processos de paz, aportando experiências de negociações que envolvem a diferentes setores da sociedade civil, atores estatais, comunidade internacional e organizações multilaterais. Neste sentido, resulta pertinente não só retomar o surgimento, caracterização e possíveis motivações de três dos mais grandes grupos à margem da lei –paramilitares, ELN, FARC—que têm participado no conflito, mas também explorar as formas de aproximação a estes por parte do governo colombiano e seus diferentes administrações, para assim compreender a complexidade e as múltiplas dimensões desde as quais se representam diversas visões sobre a evolução do conflito e os fatos de curta, mediana e longa duração, enquanto isto permite dilucidar as continuidades e descontinuidades que têm dado passo a ver o fenômeno através de causas culturais, complexos políticos ou perspectivas econômicas.

Between 1998 and 2003 production increases in Brazil and Vietnam drove down the price of coffee by 73 percent in global markets, triggering the ¿international coffee crisis¿. We examine the effect of this exogenous price shock on Colombia¿s civil war, exploring whether politically-motivated violence presented different dynamics in the coffee -growing regions relative to the non- coffee regions, during the pre-crisis and crisis periods. Using a difference-in-differences framework, we find causal evidence that the steep decline in coffee prices substantially increased both the incidence and intensity of Colombia¿s civil war. We also propose a simple model linking the price shock to violence and empirically examine the relative importance of three potential mechanisms. While crop substitution from coffee to coca explains very little of the variation, a disproportionate increase in poverty in coffee areas is associated with greater violence, as is a lower state capacity.

Davant la creixent identificació política de les dones amb el feminisme, han estat nombroses les crítiques des de l'escena sociopolítica espanyola, especialment el 2020 davant la polèmica referent al coronavirus i les manifestacions del 8M (Dia Internacional de la Dona). Aquesta nota de recerca pretén analitzar la profunditat d'aquest canvi identitari, observar les característiques sociodemogràfiques i polítiques que el defineixen, així com aprofundir en la valoració del 8M. Aquest estudi s'ha realitzat a través d'anàlisis descriptives i estadístiques amb les microdades del CIS. Els principals resultats revelen un increment de la identitat feminista, així com una important polarització de les feministes al voltant del vot, la valoració del 8M i les solucions davant de la desigualtat de gènere. ; Faced with the growing political identification of women with feminism, there have been numerous critiques from the Spanish socio-political scene, especially in the year of 2020 in the face of the controversy over the coronavirus and 8M demonstrations (International Women's Day). This research note aims to analyse the depth of this identity change, to observe the socio-demographic and political characteristics that define this change, as well as to examine the valuation of 8M. This study has been carried out by means of descriptive and statistical analyses using CIS microdata. The main results reveal an increase in feminist identity, as well as an important polarisation of feminists on their voting choices, also, the valuation of 8M and solutions to gender inequality. ; Ante la creciente identificación política de las mujeres con el feminismo, han sido numerosas las críticas desde la escena sociopolítica española, especialmente el pasado 2020 ante la polémica referente al coronavirus y las manifestaciones del 8M (Día Internacional de la Mujer). Esta nota de investigación pretende analizar la profundidad de este cambio identitario, observar las características sociodemográficas y políticas que lo definen, así como profundizar en la valoración del 8M. Este estudio se ha realizado a través de análisis descriptivos y estadísticos con los microdatos del CIS. Los principales resultados revelan un incremento de la identidad feminista, así como una importante polarización de las feministas en torno al voto, la valoración del 8M y las soluciones ante la desigualdad de género.