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Abstract: This paper aims to analyse how the radical feminist media cover the issue of violence against women and how it relates violence in a general context from militarism and state violence. Pazartesi and Amargi, two radical feminist magazines, play a significant role in the Turkish alternative media. Although the feminist critique of violence primarily covers violence against women, the feminist movement and media with the breeze of third wave feminism are not indifferent to the problem of state violence and militarism, and represent conscientious objection and the anti-war movement. ; Resumen: Este artículo intenta analizar cómo los medios de comunicación radicales cubren la temática de la violencia contra las mujeres y la vinculan al militarismo y la violencia de estado. Se destacan dos revistas feministas radicales, Pazartesi y Amargi, las cuales juegan un papel importante entre los medios alternativos turcos. Aunque la crítica feminista de la violencia cubra primordialmente el tema de la violencia contra la mujer, estas publicaciones, no ajenas al feminismo de la tercera ola, prestan atención igualmente a la violencia de estado y al militarismo, y presentan una postura crítica de objeción y oposición a la guerra.

The global depreciation suffered by women in their work enviroiment is multicausal. However, the problem basically lies in the androcentric discourse nourishing advanced capitalism. The feminist movement vigorously reappears as a motor of social change and governments, as well as companies, cannot reamin on the sidelines of this transformatios. The feminist economy seeks to respond to the latest needs of this advanced citizenship wich claims the facticity of social and labour rights for men and women on an equal footing. ; A nivel mundial, la depreciación que sufren las mujeres en el entorno laboral es multicausal, pero básicamente, el problema radica en el discurso androcentrista que nutre al capitalismo avanzado. El movimiento feminista resurge con fuerza como motor del cambio social, y los gobiernos y las empresas no pueden mantenerse al margen de esta transformación. La economía feminista trata de responder a las nuevas necesidades de esta ciudadanía avanzada, que reivindica la facticidad de derechos sociales y laborales en igualdad: para hombres y mujeres.

Este artículo revisa la relación paradojal de los feminismos con los afectos, los sentimientos y las emociones. Si bien en los últimos años el llamado "giro afectivo" habilitó una profundización de los análisis feministas sobre la dimensión emocional y afectiva, intentaremos mostrar que la teoría feminista tiene un compromiso de larga data con la reflexión sobre los sentimientos. En particular, el artículo examina tres ejes en los que los feminismos han incorporado el análisis afectivo: la subjetividad, la epistemología y la política. El texto concluye con una serie de reflexiones e interrogantes sobre el modo en que las cuestiones de género y los afectos fueron articulados en las teorías y praxis feministas latinoamericanas. ; This paper examines the paradoxical relationship between feminisms, affects, feelings, and emotions. Although in the last few years the so called affective turn enabled feminist theories to delve into the study of the emotional and affective dimensions, we shall show that different strands of feminism have been reflecting on feelings for a long time. We explore three specific topics in which feminist theories have incorporated the study of emotions: subjectivity, epistemology, and politics. The paper ends with a series of reflections and questions about how gender and affects have been considered by Latin American feminist theories and praxis. ; Este artigo revisa a relação paradoxal dos feminismos com os afetos, sentimentos e emoções. Embora nos últimos anos a chamada "virada afetiva" tenha permitido um aprofundamento das análises feministas da dimensão emocional e afetiva, tentaremos mostrar que a teoria feminista tem um compromisso de longa data com a reflexão sobre sentimentos. Em particular, o artigo examina três eixos nos quais os feminismos incorporaram a análise afetiva: subjetividade, epistemologia e política. O texto termina com uma série de reflexões e perguntas sobre a maneira como as questões e os afetos de gênero foram articulados nas teorias e práxis feministas latino-americanas.

El texto analiza la relación entre teoría feminista, antropología feminista e interseccionalidad. Se parte de dos hipótesis. Primera, hay una relación estrecha entre teoría feminista, feminismo(s) y antropología feminista, sobre todo a partir de su constitución dentro de la antropología social. Segunda, el enfoque interseccional se ha convertido en hegemónico dentro de la teoría feminista. Se hará un breve repaso por la trayectoria de la interseccionalidad en las discusiones feministas contemporáneas centrando el debate en una serie de cuestiones: posición, estructura, representación y reivindicación. A partir de estos dos supuestos se analizará la relación entre antropología feminista e interseccionalidad, mostrando las aportaciones mutuas y las limitaciones que puede representar el enfoque interseccional para la antropología feminista. ; The text analyzes the relationship between feminist theory, feminist anthropology and intersectionality. It is based on two hypotheses. First there is a close relationship between feminist theory, feminism (s) and feminist anthropology, especially from its constitution within social anthropology. Second, the intersectional approach has become hegemonic within feminist theory. There will be a brief review of the trajectory of intersectionality in contemporary feminist discussions, focusing the debate on a set of issues: position, structure, representation and vindication. From these two considerations the relationship between feminist anthropology and intersectionality will be analyzed, showing the mutual contributions and the limitations that the intersectional approach can represent in feminist anthropology. ; AEI FFI2016-75603-R ; FEDER FFI2016-75603-R

The work of Michel Foucault has been read from a feminist point of view in different ways. Feminist readers of Foucault have different opinions on the relevance & usefulness of Foucault's concepts & analyses. We argue that the dialogue between both positions has been complex but extremely interesting, both for feminist practices & for any analytics of power. In this paper we discuss some of the basic elements of agreement & disagreement that feminist authors have showed with Foucault. We finally argue that reading Foucault's work taking into account its feminist critique may be very useful in developing a deeper analysis of power relations.

How can we make sense of the conflicting characterizations of the state of women's rights in Chile? In this article, I analyze the progress Chilean women have made since the transition to democracy by focusing on what is inarguably a core component of progress on women's rights: the passage of legislation that promotes the goals of the feminist movement. While the passage of legislation is, of course, not the only test of a society's openness to women's rights, it is undeniably a critical component of any larger program of political, cultural and economic transformation of women's status. The feminist movement that arose under the dictatorship (1973-1989) articulated a well-developed agenda for political change, and the political parties vying for representation in the new government promised to respond to these concerns. To what extent did democracy allow feminists to achieve political change and implement the demands they had developed over the previous sixteen years? By looking at legislative attempts to promote women's equality, we are able to examine the political responsiveness of the Chilean government to citizen claims for equal treatment, which goes to the heart of democratization.

Si bien los conceptos de globalización y cosmopolitismo se suelen entender como teóricamente relacionados o co-implicados, en la práctica actual constatamos que no es así. La idea que mantenemos es que el actual proceso de globalización en su forma neoliberal, y apuntalada por organismos internacionales como el Banco Mundial, impide un cosmopolitismo que pueda avanzar la agenda de igualdad a nivel global. La propuesta que presentamos de un cosmopolitismo feminista pretende servir de crítica fundamental a esa manera de entender y practicar la globalización. El reto para nuestra propuesta será el de poder conformar un sujeto cosmopolita que buscando esa igualdad de género supere, a su vez, tanto un universalismo formal saturado de un sujeto patriarcal, como un discurso de las diferencias que no logra fraguar un sujeto político que no se fragmente en las diferentes luchas necesarias para una igualdad global. ; While the concepts of globalization and cosmopolitanism are often seen as theoretically co-related, in current practice, we perceive that it is not so. In our paper we maintain that the current process of globalization in its neoliberal form, buttressed by international organizations such as the World Bank, prevents a cosmopolitanism that could globally advance the equality agenda. Our proposal of a feminist critical cosmopolitanism is intended as a criticism of the way of understanding and practicing globalization. The challenge for our proposal will be to shape a cosmopolitan subject that seeking gender equality could exceed, in turn, both formal universalism saturated with a patriarchal subject, and a discourse of differences that fails to forge a political subject, capable of moving in the different struggles needed for global equality without fragmenting.