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Roemer, E., & Henseler, J. (2022). The dynamics of electric vehicle acceptance in corporate fleets: Evidence from Germany. Technology in Society, 68, 1-11. [101938]. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.techsoc.2022.101938 --- Funding Information: We would like to thank Elina Petersone, Lukas Burs, Jannis Lux and Mathias Musiol for their support in this research project. Moreover, we thank Ulya Faupel and Sarah Lahmeyer for their constructive comments on earlier versions of the paper. The data collection for this research was funded by the German Federal Ministry of Transport and Digital Infrastructure (Grant No. 16SBS001B ). ; Electric vehicles as part of corporate fleets play a key role in reducing CO2 emissions. However, business practice has shown that employees often refrain from using these newly procured fleet vehicles. The aim of this paper is therefore to explain the drivers and barriers of acceptance of electric vehicles on the employee's level. Based on a Grounded Theory approach, the authors extracted five main determinants from interviews with 16 experts. They were cross-checked with the literature including technology acceptance literature and electric vehicle research. To understand the dynamics of acceptance, panel data was collected in a longitudinal study with three waves in Germany. The panel data was analyzed using partial least squares (PLS) path modelling. Results show that employees' environmental concern as an attitudinal factor is the only short-term determinant triggering the first electric vehicle usage. Later, the influence of environmental concern disappears, while the impact of product-related determinants, such as enjoyment, ease of use, perceived risks, and relative advantage increases. Furthermore, a mediating effect of enjoyment emerges between ease of use on the intention to use an electric vehicle. Several important implications for decision-makers in management and policy are deduced to support short- and long-term usage of electric vehicles in corporate fleets. ; publishersversion ...

A conceptual strategy is proposed in order to link Max Weber's theory and politics of nationalism. The argument is oriented to rescue the coherence between the scarce theoretical work published by Weber on nation and nationalism, with the prolific role he had as intellectual and militant of German nationalism before and after the First World War. Broadly, nation constitutes itself as a sociological phenomenon in the realm of values, and its effectiveness depends on the nationalist action toward the consolidation and mobilization of the group solidarity through prestige and power. Consequently, a distinction is introduced between "nation in itself", as an spontaneous process of inter-subjective differentiation of the group –regardless of any objective or racial argument according to Weber's theory– and "nation for itself", as the collective action of consolidation of its identity in terms of internal homogeneity and external differentiation (opposition to other nations), through the role of intellectuals in the diffusion of the prestige of the group, and the vocation for political power (state) –where the arguments of Weber nationalism dwell–. Finally, key subjects of Weber's sociology, as the ethics of political action, the legitimacy of state domination, and social modernization, are reinterpreted in an instrumental sense, as means for the ends of his practical nationalism. ; Se propone una estrategia conceptual para vincular la teoría con la política del nacionalismo de Max Weber. La argumentación se orienta a rescatar la coherencia entre el escaso trabajo teórico que Weber publicó sobre nación y nacionalismo, con el rol prolífico que él tuvo como intelectual y político del nacionalismo alemán antes y después de la Primera Guerra Mundial. De manera general, la nación se constituye como fenómeno sociológico en el ámbito de los valores, y su efectividad depende de la acción nacionalista dirigida a consolidar y movilizar la solidaridad del grupo a través del prestigio y el poder. Se plantea la distinción entre ...

Until now the issue of party and political work among the Northern Fleet submarines brigade has never been a key topic for research of the national historians and area studies specialists. Our study aims at comprehensive examination of party and political work conducted on the Northern Fleet submarines in 1941–1945. In order to achieve this goal, we had to define the subject-matter and stages of party and political work, to identify its goals and character, to show the instruments for its execution, specifying its merits and flaws. We came to a conclusion that the political work among the crew members of the Northern Fleet submarines was conducted inconsistently during the Great Patriotic War. At the first stage of work with military personnel and during preparation of political information the political workers approached the problem as a mere formality. They did not take into account the age, education, positions of the listeners. Such approach and methods did not resonate with the military personnel. The political department used standard means of agitation such as lectures, discussions, reading newspapers. Moreover, the activity reports were based on formalist principles with unpalatable facts kept quiet. After 1943 the party and political work would become more systematic. Differentiation, awareness and sequence of operations could be observed in the actions of political department. The political work would be vertically arranged and would interconnect the Northern Fleet staff, brigade headquarters, brigade divisions, submarines. The means of campaigning and propaganda that had been already in place would be supplemented by newspapers, radio, political studies, excursions, photo albums.

This article presents Max Weber's political sociology and at the same time develops an original perspective of his legitimacy theory. First, it establishes a necessary link between the typical forms of legitimate domination and the social interests, in such a way that every political action that purse the realization of its interests has to legitimate itself before the general will. Second, it explains the legitimation crises as a response to identity changes at the social base of the political domination and, in so doing, it introduces a dynamic concept of legitimacy. Third, it states that the values that dwell in the legitimate forms of political domination are used as symbolic orientations by particular political actions, in a way that each form of authority legitimation encapsulates, in its own premises, the arguments that justify struggles toward the modification of the domination schemes. ; Este artículo expone la sociología política de Max Weber a la vez que desarrolla una perspectiva original de su teoría de la dominación. Primero establece un vínculo necesario entre las formas típicas de dominación política y los intereses sociales, de modo que toda acción política debe legitimarse como interés generalizaba. Luego explica las crisis de legitimación como respuesta a cambios de identidad en la base social de la dominación política, de tal forma que se introduce un concepto dinámico de legitimidad. Finalmente postula que los valores que habitan en las formas legítimas de dominación política son usados como orientaciones simbólicas por parte de acciones políticas particulares, de manera que toda forma de legitimación de la autoridad encierra, en sus propias premisas, los argumentos que justifican luchas hacia la modificación de los esquemas de dominación.

Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to examine an issue of critical importance to America's national security. The Civil Reserve Air Fleet (CRAF) is a public/private partnership between US air carriers and the Department of Defense (DOD) for the provision of contingency airlift services to the military in times of national need. Formed in 1951, the CRAF has only been activated twice, but it has continued to be a source of emergency air transportation should the nation require resources beyond those available from the US Air Force. Sweeping changes occurring in global trade, commercial aviation, national defense policy and foreign relations suggest that changes will be needed to maintain the CRAF as a strategic defense transportation resource.


Design/methodology/approach
This paper examines the long-standing national policy of relying on commercial interests to provide contingency transportation to the DOD in wartime. The CRAF will be singled out for closer examination in light of environmental changes occurring in the airline industry, international trade and global threats to the nation. The purpose of this analysis is to then assess the partnership's ability to remain relevant in an uncertain future.


Findings
First, commercial cargo aircraft are downsizing thereby becoming less useful to the DOD. Second, there is no new wide-body military airlifter on the horizon. Third, threats from hostile nations are becoming more indirect and subtle, requiring planners to think "outside the box" when assessing the need for strategic airlift over the next 20-50 years.


Originality/value
The CRAF has not fundamentally changed since its inception in 1951. The time has come to reexamine the partnership to ensure that it remains America's emergency lifeline.

This book examines the impact of change on the ships, buildings and personnel of the Portsmouth naval base. The authors look at the dockyard's role in times of conflict, from the First World War to the 1991 Gulf War, and consider the effects of privatization and cutbacks. Illustrated with photographs.

AbstractDuring the first half of the eighteenth century, thousands of Londoners (and people from the rest of England) married clandestinely at the Fleet Prison. More weddings were celebrated there than any other location in England. This article will examine quantitatively who was marrying there, detailing their premarital status, origin and occupation. It will show that Londoners who married at the Fleet were broadly representative of London's population topography and occupational structure. The article also examines the non-Londoners who married at the Fleet, and shows that by c. 1750 the Fleet was hosting at least 10 per cent of all marriages in England.

From 1897 to 1898, the German Reich under Kaiser Wilhelm II, Bülow and Tirpitz changed the course of its policy with regard to arms and foreign relations. The objective was "equality" with Great Britain, the leading naval and world power, and to achieve it the construction of a powerful battle fleet seemed necessary. However, in order to realize Admiral Tirpitz's plan, the navy was obliged to depend on the "co-operation" of German shipyards. The latter complied willingly, hoping that - after years of crisis - the naval contracts would keep their facilities at full capacity and bring in high profits. The Reich Naval Office was also optimistic that state contracts would turn the shipyards into a new and leading sector of German industry and, by compensating for economic fluctuations, would have a stabilizing effect on the country's domestic policy. After in-depth consideration, the Reich Naval Office decided that it still wanted to retain its autonomy with regard to the placement of contracts for warships - if necessary it also awarded contracts to the generally more expensive state shipyards, in order to combat overly high prices. At first the hopes for a great future in German shipbuilding seemed justified: The shipyards authorized to build warships - Blohm & Voss, Vulcan, Germaniawerft, AG "Weser," Howaldtswerke and Schichau - invested considerable sums in the expansion and modernization of their facilities. Only a few years later, however, reality caught up with them. Steep economic downturns rapidly threatened the existence of several shipyards which could no longer keep their expensive facilities running at full capacity. The profits, satisfactory at first, gradually began to dwindle, and eventually the yards made a loss on most of their business. One contributing factor was the circumstance that the German shipyards - against their hopes - were unable to increase their international market share, either in trade or in warship construction. For the Reich Naval Office this development was positive on the one hand, because it meant that prices, and thus the costs of building a fleet, could be kept low; on the other hand it eyed the crisis in the shipbuilding industry with concern, because the collapse of a major shipyard could bring considerable political problems in its wake. There was also the worry that a shipbuilding cartel might form, and possibly drive the price of warship construction to horrendous heights. In sum, the hopes placed in fleet construction as a means of rescuing the German shipbuilding industry turned out to be illusory.

1. Seamen or airmen? The early days of British naval flying / Eric Grove -- 2. Air Force, Fleet Air Arm, or Armoured Corps? The Royal Naval Air Service at war / Eric Grove -- 3. Competing visions : the Admiralty, the Air Ministry and the role of airpower / Geoffrey Till -- 4. The Fleet Air Arm and the struggle for the Mediterranean, 1940-44 / Ben Jones -- 5. New tricks for old sea dogs : British naval aviation in the Pacific, 1944-45 / Jon Robb-Webb -- 6. British naval aviation and the 'radical review', 1953-55 / Tim Benbow -- 7. Limited war and crisis management : naval aviation in action from the Korean War to the Falklands Conflict / Ian Speller -- 8. The battle for CVA01 / Edward Hampshire -- 9. 'More than just spare airfields' : defence policy, defence reviews and the Queen Elizabeth-class aircraft carriers / Lee Willett.

Contains exhibits related to the investigation of the operations, policies, and affairs of the U.S. Shipping Board and the U.S. Shipping Board Emergency Fleet Corp. ; Wallace H. White, Jr., chairman. ; Paged continously. ; Part A. Exhibits 1 to 72, inclusive. -- Part B. Exhibits 73-126, Inclusive. -- Part C. Exhibits 127 to 213, Inclusive. -- Part D. Exhibits 214 to 254, Inclusive. -- Part E. Exhibits 255 to 349-20, Inclusive. -- Part F. Exhibits 350-1 to 372, Inclusive. -- Index to Testimony and Exhibits. ; Contains exhibits related to the investigation of the operations, policies, and affairs of the U.S. Shipping Board and the U.S. Shipping Board Emergency Fleet Corp. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The Navy and the fleet had been very important to Estonia during the War of Independence of 1918–1920. The British fleet that arrived at the roadstead in Tallinn in December fended off the threat of the Soviet Russia's Baltic Fleet and guaranteed supply channels for weapons, volunteers and other aid to be brought to Estonia. History and historians played an important role in the restoration of Estonian naval defence: the Estonian Academic Military History Society was founded in the Maritime Museum in 1988, and the Guild of Estonians Who Served in the Finnish Navy during World War II was established in autumn 1991.