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Opponents of the neoliberal privatization of schools must be cautious in formulating their opposition so as not to situate themselves as the defenders of an otherwise indefensible status quo. Though we might expect professors in traditional university-based educational-leadership programs to protect their institutional self-interests and their traditional monopoly on the preparation of school leaders against the challenge presented by Eli Broad's Superintendents Academy, do we know for a fact that the curriculum of Broad's Academy differs significantly from their own programs? It would be hard for us to name very many professors who have defended those programs as bastions of democratic values.

Followership in itself is not a new concept. Virtually every individual spends more time in the role of follower than leader and there have been both effective leaders and followers throughout the course of history. Currently, followership as a construct for examination is relatively fresh, especially in education. In many cases, leading and following roles occur simultaneously, since most of us have a supervisor or a higher person who evaluates our work. The importance of following is rarely highlighted and certainly under-studied. In fact, this focus on leaders is at the expense of followers, fostering the belief that followers are less important (Kellerman, 2008). Literature surrounding followership currently is found in the military and large business structures, and research conducted associated with followership exists. Comparatively, followership research in educational structures is scant with a most of the available research focused on higher education and post-secondary settings (Taylor & Hill, 2017). As schools are comprised of teachers and administrators in the roles of followers and leaders, understanding the leadership-followership dynamic provides opportunities for improving collaboration and school climate. Literature on leadership training is its own profitable industry (Kellerman, 2008; Ready & Conger, 2003). Recently, there have been several books published that address followership as part of the discussion on leadership (see Kellerman, 2008; Schindler, 2014). This includes the practices of following established rules, implementing policy, engaging in personal and professional development, complying with instructions, and supervising or being supervised by others. As followership applies to K-12 teachers, the role of follower is in addition to teaching students daily. In examining how individuals become leaders, it is important to study the origins of leadership which lie in the practices of good followership, particularly related to education and the educational outcomes for ...

What is the psychology underlying preferences for dominant political leaders? Against earlier theories about authoritarianism and submissiveness, recent research shows that followers strategically promote dominant individuals to leadership positions in order to enhance their ability to aggress against other groups. Thus, recent evidence supports the existence of dedicated mechanisms for generating summary impressions of the dominance of potential leaders from a wealth of cues. Furthermore, research demonstrates how preferences for dominant leaders are heightened in contexts of conflict and among individuals prone to view the social world as conflictual. At the same time, this research shows that followers intuitively fear exploitation from dominant leaders and the political psychology of followership also contains dedicated mechanisms for identifying and counteracting such exploitation.

Lauren A Weber,1,2 Jessica Bunin,3 Joshua D Hartzell2,4 1Heart and Vascular Care, Confluence Health, Wenatchee, WA, USA; 2The Uniformed Services University of the Health Sciences, Bethesda, MD, USA; 3Faculty Development, Uniformed Services University of the Health Sciences, Bethesda, MD, USA; 4Department of Internal Medicine, Walter Reed National Military Medical Center, Bethesda, MD, USACorrespondence: Lauren A Weber, Heart and Vascular Care, Confluence Health, 1201 S. Miller St. Wenatchee, WA, USA, Tel +1-509-433-3850, Email lawmd.lauren@gmail.comAbstract: Burnout is widespread across the healthcare industry. Physician burnout has been linked to significant decrements in personal wellness, patient satisfaction, patient outcomes, and organizational financial losses. Appropriately, burnout has been identified as an important issue for leaders in the field as it can lead to physician turnover and loss of talent. In this article, we address how burnout is related to followership. We assert that physicians can utilize effective followership to increase wellness not only for themselves, but also for their leaders and organizations.Keywords: followership, healthcare, burnout, leadership

The study aims to examine the process and contingency to explain the relationship between follower's proactive behavior and leader's trust. Trust has been identified as one of the most critical elements of the high-quality relationship between a follower and leader and considered as a key boulevard through which followers can impact the behavior of their leaders. In this cross-sectional study, data is collected from leaders and followers (dyads) of a large corporation by conducting two self-administered surveys. Findings suggest that the proactive followers are more trustworthy in the eyes of their leaders. Perceived follower support plays a mediating role in this process. Further, we find that political skill of followers moderates this relationship. The study has significant implications for followership research, extending the comprehension about follower characteristics' effect on their behaviors and leaders perception. We contribute to followership literature by empirically validating the practices that help in trust building on followers providing a framework to practitioners for trust-building and empowering scholars for further identification of followers' behaviors and traits that can construct leaders' trust. The study indirectly expands the leadership literature and provides help to understand the leadership in the context of followership. These findings are useful for followers, leaders and for individuals who are involved in their development and training and invest and train employees for effective followership behavior. By improving the followership skills of employees advance the effective leadership outcome ultimately, therefore organizational improvement can be increased.

The quest for national integration is cardinal among nations with diverse ethnic, cultural and religious inclinations. The frequent ethnic clashes as well as calls for autonomy or secession in parts of Nigeria is an indication of a wide gap in the bond that cements the aggregate units that form the nation's federation. While Nigeria prides herself of "Unity in Diversity", it is evident, and glaring too, that elements in our diversity are antithetical to national integration. This paper examines the issue of integration through conscientious collectivism. It adopts a critical research approach by using Ola Rotimi's If… Tragedy of the Ruled and Sam Ukala's The Placenta of Death to probe how various dramatists in Nigeria appraise the issue of integration. The paper argues that the elite engage selfish politics as the main apparatus of disintegration and sharpens it with ethno-religious instruments. Inter alia, the paper advocates for a purposeful followership; followership devoid of "Zombie Spirit" but one that demands accountability and questions norms that are inimical to our collective consciousness.

Numerous service personnel who served during the US Afghanistan and Iraq Wars have returned to civilian life. The purpose of this phenomenology study was to examine and explore how these veterans understood the followership phenomenon, their civilian workplace follower roles, and how they defined the word followership through their own lenses. Six veterans who reintegrated from military service into a civilian workplace volunteered for this study. The research analysis identified five themes: (a) my identities (b) organizational principles, (c) organizational knowledge, (d) organizational support, (e) and valuing of supporters. The significance of these findings was the veterans' follower-centric expression of their lived civilian followership experiences. The study afforded the veterans the opportunity to voice their desire to work in civilian organizations that provide a nurturing culture and environment where they can thrive and become effective followers. The findings can provide policymakers and organizational leaders data to plan training, coaching, and mentoring programs, peer-clubs, and services to express gratitude to veteran-followers as valuable members of the civilian workplace. The findings also provide scholars of Veterans Studies additional empirical data to enhance the knowledge base.

No doubt fifty years symbolize age of maturity for the individuals as for the nation-states. As Nigeria prepares to celebrate her fifty years of independence from colonialism, the expectation is that Nigeria should have matured enough politically. But the facts on the ground contradict this expectation. The level of political development in Nigeria can best be adjudged at the level of infancy. A number of factors have been attributed to this state of affairs. This paper sets out to examine the relationship between the character of the political leadership and followership and the prevailing level of political underdevelopment in Nigeria. Our major assumption is that the character of political leadership and followership determines the level of political development in any society. Therefore, the objective of the paper is to explain the character of the political leadership and followership in Nigeria and how this has affected political development of the country.

This article presents a new Psychosocial approach to the concept of political followership by focusing on the appeal for young people of UK Labour Leader, Jeremy Corbyn during the 2015 Labour Leadership contest. Whilst there is an established field of political leadership studies, the psychosocial dynamics of political followership has received less attention. We argue that in the current era of rapid change and of social, economic and political crises, there is a need to develop a nuanced understanding of the affective turn in political engagement within social democratic countries. We trace the emergence of a new interest in political followership and present an innovative psychosocial perspective that draws on relational psychoanalysis to explore the psychosocial complexity of the relationship between follower and leader and the unconscious dynamics that underpin it. Drawing on the findings of focus group interviews into political followership, the article elaborates on these ideas through their application to the analysis of UK Labour Leader Jeremy Corbyn and his appeal for young followers who joined the party because his political image, ethos and values chimed in with the post-materialistic ethos of the younger generation.

"I could stand in the middle of Fifth Avenue and shoot somebody and I wouldn't lose any voters. Okay. It's like incredible!" Donald J. Trump, President of the United States, in January 2016 at a campaign rally in Iowa. In light of corporate and political turmoil and subsequent questions raised about leaders' dark sides, this Research Topic is particularly timely. We set out to contribute to theoretical, empirical and methodological advancements, focusing on dark sides of personality, processes, and perceptions, and how they relate to leader-follower relationships. Studies of the dark side of leadership follow a long-standing tradition (Conger, 1990), and initially focused mainly on negative leader traits such as narcissism (Braun, 2017) and leader behaviors such as abusive supervision (Schyns & Schilling, 2013; Tepper, 2007; Tepper, Simon, & Park, 2017; Hogan & Kaiser, 2005). The particular potential for toxicity to unfold at the intersections of leadership and followership has been noted (Padilla, Hogan, & Kaiser, 2007), yet research into this domain remains largely underdeveloped. While followership theories receive increasing attention (Uhl-Bien, Riggio, Lowe, & Carsten, 2014), the potential dark sides of followership or followers' impact on dark-side leaders remain unclear. Deviating from the unidimensional view that leaders are omnipotent and to be blamed for negative outcomes, we seek to place emphasis on the different 'shades' of dark leadership by focusing on how dark leadership can be explained by taking leaders, followers, and their interaction in specific contexts into account. In line with the purpose to explore the intersections between dark-side leadership and followership, we saw three main themes emerging from the articles published in this Research Topic. The first theme revolves around leader traits and behaviors. It focuses on questions such as what makes a 'dark-side' leader and what 'dark-side' leaders do. The second theme accounts for the interaction between leaders' and followers' characteristics, and zooms in on the extent to which this interaction may affect the negative impact of 'dark-side' leadership or followership. Finally, the articles also reflect novel ideas, extensions and integration of current theories at the interface between leadership and followership.

Research demonstrates that the physical traits of leaders and political candidates influence election outcomes and that subjects favor functionally different physical traits in leaders when their social groups face problems related to war and peace, respectively. Previous research has interpreted these effects as evidence of a problem-sensitive and distinct psychology of followership. In two studies, we extend this research by demonstrating that preferences for physical traits in leaders' faces arise from an integration of both contextual and individual differences related to perceptions of social conflict and that these effects relate only to leader choices. Theoretically, we argue that increased preferences for facial dominance in leaders reflect increased needs for enforced coordinated action when one's group is seen to face threats from other coordinated groups rather than from random natural events. Empirically, we show that preferences for dominant-looking leaders are a function of (1) contextual primes of group-based threats rather than nature-based threats and (2) political ideology (a core measure of perceptions of group-based conflict) such that, across contexts, conservatives prefer dominant-looking leaders more than liberals. For the first time, we demonstrate that the effects of these contextual and individual differences are non-existent when subjects are asked to choose a friend instead of a leader: irrespective of ideology and context, people strongly prefer non-dominant friends. This finding adds significantly to the results of past research and provides evidence of the existence of a distinct psychology of followership that produces leader preferences that are independent of preferences for other social partners. ; Research demonstrates that the physical traits of leaders and political candidates influence election outcomes and that subjects favor functionally different physical traits in leaders when their social groups face problems related to war and peace, respectively. Previous research has interpreted these effects as evidence of a problem-sensitive and distinct psychology of followership. In two studies, we extend this research by demonstrating that preferences for physical traits in leaders' faces arise from an integration of both contextual and individual differences related to perceptions of social conflict and that these effects relate only to leader choices. Theoretically, we argue that increased preferences for facial dominance in leaders reflect increased needs for enforced coordinated action when one's group is seen to face threats from other coordinated groups rather than from random natural events. Empirically, we show that preferences for dominant-looking leaders are a function of (1) contextual primes of group-based threats rather than nature-based threats and (2) political ideology (a core measure of perceptions of group-based conflict) such that, across contexts, conservatives prefer dominant-looking leaders more than liberals. For the first time, we demonstrate that the effects of these contextual and individual differences are non-existent when subjects are asked to choose a friend instead of a leader: irrespective of ideology and context, people strongly prefer non-dominant friends. This finding adds significantly to the results of past research and provides evidence of the existence of a distinct psychology of followership that produces leader preferences that are independent of preferences for other social partners.

This research is about the impact of states' financial size on their choices in the field of monetary and exchange rate policy. The main argument of the thesis is that small countries, under certain conditions, can be counterintuitively more autonomous in these policy dimensions than middle-sized states. This conclusion, and its corollaries, proceed from the unsatisfactory explanation given by the present literature, in both economics and political science, to the policy outcomes observed in small states, and results from an original application of the Collective Choice Theory to strategic interactions within asymmetrical monetary systems. A model is designed to depict an international payment system led by a leader country with significant balance-of-payment problems, surrounded by minor states characterised by a persistent record of current account surplus. The model investigates the impact of financial size on the bargaining among small and medium-sized states for the preservation of policy autonomy vis à vis an interdependent economic environment. States are supposed to select one of two alternatives between following the leader's policies, so as to support the stability of the system, or remaining neutral, so as to pursue domestic-oriented goals. The results, both on the theoretical and the empirical side, show that small surplus countries, under the assumptions of the model, are averagely more autonomous than middle powers, that is, less prone to take on responsibility for the smooth functioning of an international payment system. In turn, this makes traditional theories incomplete in the explanation of monetary followership in small countries, while the present model explains this phenomenon through the action of neighbouring middle powers in providing selective incentives.

This dissertation investigates the democratization, digitization, and diversification of the modern workforce. Due to societal changes, technological advancement, and globalization, the requirements for teams and their leaders have changed. Three empirical chapters demonstrate the meaning of democratization for effective (virtual) teamwork and the need to support diversification to overcome stereotypes. Based on the findings, implications for theory and practice are discussed, and directions for future research are highlighted. ; Diese Dissertation untersucht die Demokratisierung, Digitalisierung und Diversifizierung der modernen Arbeitswelt. Aufgrund des gesellschaftlichen und technologischen Wandels sowie der Globalisierung haben sich die Anforderungen an Zusammenarbeit geändert. Drei empirische Kapitel verdeutlichen die Bedeutung von Demokratisierung für effektive (virtuelle) Teamarbeit und die Notwendigkeit der Diversifizierung um Stereotype zu überwinden. Basierend auf den Ergebnissen werden Implikationen für Theorie und Praxis diskutiert und Empfehlungen für weiterführende Forschung aufgezeigt.

This paper describes efforts by public health practitioners to address a health crisis caused by economic development policies that are unrestrained by either environmental, public health, or human rights mandates. Economic development projects funded by international funding institutions like the Inter-American Development Bank that reduce poverty when measured in terms of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita in the transborder region between Suriname and French Guiana harm minority populations where commercial activities destroy, alter, and remove the resources upon which local communities depend. In this study, the structural causes of a community health crisis affecting Indigenous people in the transborder region between Suriname and French Guiana was addressed by seeking gatekeepers in government who have access to policy-making processes. We found that deeply rooted economic development policies structured social, economic, and political alliances and made them resistant to feedback and reform. We concluded that work must be focused beyond the simple exchange of public health information. Public health practitioners must become politically active to create new policy commitments and new patterns of governance that advance development as well as improve health outcomes. Failure to do so may result in public health practitioners becoming &lsquo ; engaged followers&rsquo ; that are complicit in the inhumanity that springs from their acquiescence to the authority of government officials when their policies are the cause of preventable death, disease, and disability.

This paper describes efforts by public health practitioners to address a health crisis caused by economic development policies that are unrestrained by either environmental, public health, or human rights mandates. Economic development projects funded by international funding institutions like the Inter-American Development Bank that reduce poverty when measured in terms of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita in the transborder region between Suriname and French Guiana harm minority populations where commercial activities destroy, alter, and remove the resources upon which local communities depend. In this study, the structural causes of a community health crisis affecting Indigenous people in the transborder region between Suriname and French Guiana was addressed by seeking gatekeepers in government who have access to policy-making processes. We found that deeply rooted economic development policies structured social, economic, and political alliances and made them resistant to feedback and reform. We concluded that work must be focused beyond the simple exchange of public health information. Public health practitioners must become politically active to create new policy commitments and new patterns of governance that advance development as well as improve health outcomes. Failure to do so may result in public health practitioners becoming 'engaged followers' that are complicit in the inhumanity that springs from their acquiescence to the authority of government officials when their policies are the cause of preventable death, disease, and disability.