Suchergebnisse

The chapter defines & distinguishes foreign policy analysis & international politics, & discusses their origins & development as subfields. Next, the impact of constructivism on the areas, while not always acknowledged as such, is examined. Constructivism contributes to theoretical dimensions of structure, agency, rationality, institutions, & identity. Tables illustrate the application of key concepts. The chapter also summarizes important literature & debates concerning constructivism & international relations. 1 Table, 3 Figures, 50 References. K. Coddon

The article critiques the mainstream American invocation of constructivism as a kind of "commonsense," utilitarian approach to foreign policy analysis (FPA). Such a strategy allows social scientists to seem "modern" while remaining resolutely antipostmodernist. Revisionism is also questioned, however, for countering rather than confronting positivism & social scientism. These "counterhegmonic moderates," while rejecting positivism, remain as bound by rationalist objectivity as are conservatives. Postmodernist constructivism for FPA requires more than listening; it also entails a radical subjectivity & participation. 8 References. K. Coddon

Examines the empirical evidence of linkages between public opinion & foreign policy through studies of post-Cold War public opinion in Europe concerning European integration, & in France, Italy, & the US regarding foreign policy. A frame of reference is presented from which a comparative analysis of public opinion & policy linkages in the four studies can be analyzed. The political, ideological, & situational variables of each country can be examined along four axes, or domains of information that can guide the analysis of opinion & policy linkages. Axis 1 is related to the political system of the country. Axis 2 considers the influence of parties & interests groups in shaping linkages between mass opinion & foreign policy making. Axis 3 is based on the influence of ideological & religious commitments, & the attitudes & ideas of various citizens, & Axis 4 considers various contextual & situational factors. The author applies a multiaxial approach to offer critical assessments & suggestions about future trends in foreign policy making. L. A. Hoffman

The chapter examines Spanish foreign policy under Franco from a rule-oriented constructivist perspective. It begins with a summary of historical constructivism & its implications for understanding social relations & the textuality that mediates historical knowledge. The next section examines Franco's foreign policy, the Spanish civil war, & US shifts in both policy & language. The last section considers the constructivist implications of memory for historiography & foreign policy analysis. 1 Appendix, 72 References. K. Coddon

The chapter discusses the relation of social constructionism to mainstream positivist approaches to foreign policy analysis. The assumption that social construction has broadened & even radicalized the mainstream is challenged; rather, the mainstream literature seems to have appropriated a specific mode of social construction & constructivist thought that does not undermine the rationalist, social science paradigm. To illustrate this relationship (& the need for a further-reaching social constructionism in IR theory), the paper considers the various, sometimes conflicting, attempts to define, theorize, & apply social constructionism, with particular reference to the work of Wendt & the more potentially radical scholarship of Onuf & the Miami International Relations Group. 1 Figure, 30 References. K. Coddon

The chapter examines national identities, foreign policy, & otherness (both as a negative & positive feature of identity) as they bear on US-Islam relations, especially in regard to Bosnia. The constructivist approach emphasizes identity as relational & discursive, ie, rooted in speech practices. US foreign policy articulations demonstrate the dependence of American national identity on positive as well as negative Muslim alterities (eg, "good" Bosnia vs "bad" Middle East), bifurcating Islam in the service of a US narrative that justifies & perpetuates American identity. 17 References. K. Coddon

Investigates whether political elites adopt a liberal internationalism in creating foreign policy while the general public, subjected to vulnerable domestic issues, prefers a "pragmatic internationalism." This possible gulf in attitudes toward the US global role is studied through a contextual analysis that measures the impact of domestic issues on foreign policy attitudes. The research is based on traditions outside the normal public opinion/foreign policy domain. Issues of concern -- crime, social malaise, unemployment, Hispanic & Asian legal & illegal immigration, educational needs, gross product growth, exports as percent of their state's gross product, & per-capita income -- were measured according to the state environment of the respondents & two elite & three mass surveys on foreign policy attitudes. The hypothesis was not proved. Instead, elites & the public draw more on political symbols & socialization experiences in forming their foreign policy attitudes. L. A. Hoffman

Reflecting on the debate over constructivisms, disciplinary motives, & the task of social science expressed throughout the volume, the chapter proposes that these arguments over ethics & normative standards enhance international relations scholarship. Constructivism illuminates the centrality of identity, & its basis in language, to international relations & policy interests; but to transcend metatheory constructivists must further theorize agency. 87 References. K. Coddon

The use of state-sponsored terrorism as a foreign policy instrument is examined. Analysis of terrorist activity supported by Syria during the 1980s reveals that state-sponsored terrorism is a political tool; however, it is stressed that state-sponsored terrorism remains a poorly defined concept. The need to determine whether state-sponsored terrorist activities are individual phenomena or collections of state behaviors & provide a significant threat to existing governments is expressed. Contrary to the positions of some scholars & political analysts, it is contended that state-sponsored terrorism by itself is not powerful enough to destroy existing democracies. The question of why certain states perceive state-sponsored terrorism as particularly destructive is addressed, arguing that it is not a novel phenomenon; rather, it is noted that some historical states routinely utilized secretive strategies for undermining other states' authority. Studies that overestimate the danger that state-sponsored terrorism poses to a state's security are critiqued. Multiple recommendations for future research are offered, eg, clarifying relevant terms & developing appropriate response measures for terrorist acts. J. W. Parker

Smith addresses the reasons for & implementation of increased foreign & security policy making in the European Union (EU). History of the EU's stance in the post-Cold War era includes the proposal to create a European Defense Community, deference to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the significance of the Maastricht Treaty, & proposals considered at the Nov 1999 meeting in Tampere, Finland. Evolving interpretations of foreign & security policy are reviewed, & the issue of containment is contemplated. Detailing of the Single European Act of 1985, the Maastricht Treaty, & the Treaty of Amsterdam accompanies examination of changes to the Common Foreign & Security Policy. Recent momentum of the Amsterdam provisions is evidenced by decisions made at the June 1999 Cologne Summit & the Dec 1999 Helsinki European Council. The new framework of foreign & security policy is illustrated by a figure showing the distinctive & overlapping jurisdictions & roles of bodies, including NATO & Partnership for Peace. The drive for maintenance of European security & resulting EU actions are considered with relation to recent events in Croatia, Slovenia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, & Kosovo. 3 Figures, 21 References. M. C. Leary

The chapter examines the political, bureaucratic, & foreign-policy influence of the military in post-Zia Pakistan. A historical analysis considers the Pakistan army's role & function from the Partition through the successive regimes of Ayub, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Zia, Benazir Bhutto, & Sharif, as well as the foreign policy issues arising from the Cold war, the Kashmir dispute, & the Afghan situation. The 1999 coup that placed Musharraf in charge does not necessarily indicate a wholesale triumph of military power over civilian government, given post-Cold War diplomatic & economic pressures on Pakistan to resume democratic development. K. Coddon

The prospects of establishing a leftist, democratic foreign policy perspective that overcomes the anti-democratic tendencies of current US foreign policy are contemplated. The question of whether the notions of isolationism, multilateralism, & unilateralism remain functional categories for comprehending US foreign policy is considered. Walter Russell Mead's (2001) typology of four historical foreign policy currents (eg, Hamiltonianism & Wilsonianism) & contention that the competition between these perspectives has permitted the US to formulate a dominant foreign policy are reconsidered. Rather than assert that US foreign policy must reject its imperialist objective of founding a new Empire, it is stressed that political scientists must critique the sense of moral righteousness that motivates foreign policy & the post-Cold War presidential administrations' penchant for using preemptive strikes to squelch opposition. The Left's capacity to develop a unified leftist approach to foreign policy is pondered, & foreign policy recommendations for Europe toward the US are offered. J. W. Parker