Suchergebnisse

In his speech at the conference "Buitenlandse politiek in Belgie" (The Foreign Policy in Belgium), organized by the U of Ghent & the Catholic U of Louvain & held in Ghent, 27 March 2002, the country's foreign minister outlines the principles governing the foreign policies of the current government led by prime minister Guy Verhofstadt since the summer of 1999. He stresses the importance of vision, trust, & morality in Belgian foreign policy & mentions his country's unblemished stand on human rights, unwavering championship of the European Union (EU), & efforts to construct durable peace in Central Africa. The effectiveness of multilateral & bilateral approaches is pointed out. The active position of the EU, under its Belgian chairmanship, in addressing issues pertaining to the Balkan & Middle East conflicts is noted. The new challenges posed by the events of September 11 & the future enlargement of the EU with states from Central & Southern Europe are recognized. Z. Dubiel

The article addresses the notion that the principles of foreign policy expressed in the Mexican Constitution might not be adequate to handle the current world dynamics. The author considers erroneous the opinion that these principles are too vague to be applicable in current situations. In fact, a set of corollaries were legally derived from these principles in a UN resolution negotiated during 9 years with active Mexican participation. The legally valid formulation of the principles is detailed. These include: (1) Equality of rights & self-determination, (2) No intervention in states' internal affairs, (3) Peaceful solution of conflicts between states, (4) Avoidance of the use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of other states, (5) Sovereign equality of states, (6) Obligation of states to cooperate with each other. The author concludes that the principles are still valid & should be followed without exception. A. M. Barral

Outlines Chile's foreign policy orientations in the post-cold war context.

Paraguay's foreign policy orientations since the downfall of Stroessner.

This article studies the certification process that the US government applied to Mexico from 1995 to 2000, especially how related decisions are made. Mexico's foreign policy faces clearly defined limits, & its participation must be also clearly defined to keep the US process from affecting Mexican interests. The objective is precisely to understand how the Mexican government has responded in the face of a problem that, under the circumstances, leaves little space to maneuver. This article has two parts: (1) presentation of theoretical elements regarding the formulation of foreign policy, to understand the way in which the main decisions were made, & (2) identification of actors that participated in the decisions & their influence. It also analyzes how Mexico responded to the problem. 8 Diagrams. Adapted from the source document.

Mexico's foreign policy toward nonaligned countries, 1961-91.

The process that led Spain to join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in May 1982 was complex & open to public scrutiny. In Mar 1986, 4 years after Spain's accession to NATO, the Spanish government called a referendum to decide whether the country should remain within the alliance. Considering this as a starting point, the author stresses that Spain's foreign policy constitutes an integral part of its domestic policy, & explores the relation between foreign policy decision making & the functioning of a country's democratic system, as well as how this country perceives the role it should play within the international arena given its democratic status. It is suggested that the politicization surrounding Spain's accession to NATO reveals that, in some cases, issues usually perceived as pertaining to the state are not exempt from public scrutiny, the media & public opinion being crucial to people's involvement in processes of a basically international nature. Finally, the author claims that the increasing complexity of scenarios in which international policy decision making must take place will have a growing bearing on the cost-benefit relationship both to leaders & to the adequate functioning of a nation's political system. 17 References. Adapted from the source document.

In this article the evolution of Latin American foreign policy during the last several decades is examined. Both the outstanding junctures of regional foreign policy, as well as those factors that have affected its development are highlighted. In turn, the author attempts to situate the possibility of a common Latin American foreign policy at present within the framework of the transformations created through the generalized adoption of the Washington Consensus, and in general, by the new post-Cold War global order. Finally, a series of alternatives that could plausibly increase the region's margins for action and autonomy on the global stage are identified.

"Collection of insightful articles analyze the features of Venezuela's foreign policy, its foundations, and decision-making processes. Discusses future prospects and recommends changes in the context of a more general process of State reform. Includes concise but well-documented studies of the evolution of Venezuela's foreign policy, its institutional complexity and economic aspects, the role of the military, and characteristics of the foreign service and diplomatic corps. Important contribution"--Handbook of Latin American Studies, v. 57

The Iraq War has once again spotlighted the divisions within the European Union that have prevented a unified foreign policy & strategy in its leadership. While the common market & currency, along with the accession of ten new member states have contributed greatly to a sense of European unity, the reliance on majority consensus & "soft security" neither ensures effective supranational policy making, nor does it eliminate the tension caused by the international leadership claims of three European Union members: GB, France, & Germany. The former two are both nuclear powers & permanent members of the Security Council, while the latter is one of the world's leading economies, & the dominant one in Europe; each has its own interests & orientations (eg, the transatlantic reflex of GB, the Continental reflex of France, & the pacifism of Germany). It is proposed that the European Union give more coordinating & directive power to the Union Ministry for Foreign Affairs to ensure a common foreign policy for the continent. A. Siegel

This article provides insight into the influential role of the media in the foreign policy of countries, particularly as related to Mexico. It speaks of the intricacies & biases of the media, which tend to be influenced by certain individuals or groups in positions of power within the country, as well as by more prosperous & advanced countries such as the US. The author concludes that all these political considerations, coupled with the increasing speed in which information disseminates across political boundaries, challenge Mexico to adhere to its truest foreign policy principles without compromising its ethics & national character. M. D. Cowder

It is noted that Belgium, itself a small country on this continent, has always been & continues to be the most enthusiastic supporter of European integration. With the advantages of economic integration no longer questioned by anyone, the strengthening of the EU in the political domain, which would translate into a greater relevance of this organization on the geopolitical arena, has become the chief objective of the current Belgian foreign policy. Policies formulated & implemented by the prime minister Guy Verhofstadt & foreign minister Louis Michel are surveyed, assessing their position vis-a-vis such contentious issues as a la carte Europe (individual member states choosing their particular & preferred areas of involvement), "two-speed" Europe (the formation of a European Federation within the EU by core members, with a different status afforded to new members), & the formulation & carrying out of a uniform foreign policy by the EU as a supranational entity. Special attention is devoted to two projects promoted by the Belgian government for the EU: a common defense strategy independent from the US-led NATO & the formation of a military force capable of providing such defense. Z. Dubiel

An overview of Belgian policy making & implementation targeting countries of the African continent through either bilateral agreements or cooperation in projects launched by international organizations. Belgian African policy is placed in the larger geopolitical context, discussing the legacy of the Cold War, the country's historical ties with the Central African region (Zaire, Burundi, & Rwanda), & current structures & institutions available in the European Union & on the international arena (eg, the World Bank) within which the Belgian government can become effective either bilaterally or multilaterally in this part of Africa. The modernization of the ways & means through which developmental aid is dispensed in Africa is examined, considering Belgian & international initiatives & making comparisons to the traditional foci in Belgium's African policy. Five areas on which the current Belgian government concentrates on Central Africa are identified: (1) humanitarian assistance, (2) support for groups & initiatives targeting a peaceful resolution of conflicts & the enhancement of human rights in this part of the globe, (3) work on the demobilization & reintegration of former military units & ex-soldiers, (4) mobilization of donors & organizations willing to assist in securing peace in Burundi & eastern Congo (Zaire), & (5) actions on behalf of strengthening African "ownership" & diplomatic involvement in local peace initiatives. Z. Dubiel