After the beginning of the experience of the center-left government in the early sixties, Italy proposes an independent and original foreign policy, consistent with its position in the Mediterranean, across the border between East and West. The preferred partner within the Warsaw Pact is Romania, considered the vanguard of a political process of internal liberalization and of political emancipation of Eastern Europe from Soviet-communism. So far, the limited historiography on the Italo-Romanian relationships has taken into account almost exclusively the economic and trade agreements. This paper, on the basis of largely unpublished documentation at the Senato della Repubblica and at the Central State's Archive in Italy, analyzes instead the main international issues of the meetings between Bucharest and Rome, namely the Détente, the Sino-Soviet conflict, the peace building in the South-East Asia, the Middle-East, the CSCE. The unpublished diary of statesman Amintore Fanfani, Minister of Foreign Affairs from 1965 to 1968, reveals how the Italian ruling class has a substantial confidence in Ion Gheorghe Maurer and Corneliu Mănescu and high expectations around an alleged non-alignment of Romania. On the other hand, the correspondence from the Italian Embassy in Bucharest for Aldo Moro (Minister of Foreign Affairs from 1969 to 1972 and from 1973 to 1974), describes the violent and authoritarian temper of the regime established by Ceauşescu in his country. In any case the Italian strategy seems then to reappraise the special partnership with Romania, in favor of a multilateral approach to the problem of Détente within the continental conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe.
In the first part, the essay provides a general overview of Italian foreign policy towards Southeastern Europe in the 1920s. In its second and more detailed part, it deals with the year 1928, which was particularly troubled in the Balkans and mainly in Yugoslavia, and with the political and diplomatic initiatives implemented by Rome towards the area and in particular towards the SHS Kingdom. The study highlights some of the uncertainties of this policy (e.g., regarding the support given to the Croatian and Macedonian national movements) that stemmed from the opinions of Mussolini, but also of Dino Grandi, un-dersecretary at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and from those of the network of Italian diplomats in the Balkan capitals. Particularly significant information and suggestions came from Minister Galli, the Italian representative in Belgrade.
The China-Japan relationships: the most important but also the most complex relationships in East Asia, characterised during the five years (2001-2006) of the Koizumi governments by increasing & deepening economic relations and, at the same time, by a freeze in political relations. Now, the new Abe government seems to be ready to mend relations also at the political level, as shown by his visit to Beijing on October the 8th, a few days after the appointment as prime minister. Will Abe be successful? Although the two countries are divided by many issues, here discussed & analysed, the growing economic interdependence & integration is a powerful factor promoting political dialogue & compromises. However, while talking to China, Japan will continue to strengthen the alliance with the United States: her insurance policy in a region still fractured & divided and, paradoxically, a stabilizing factor. Adapted from the source document.
The question of foreign policy within Socialist Unity Party 1966 - 1969 The research project aims to carry out an analysis of the different positions within the Socialist Unity Party, taking into consideration the years of its political activity, 1966 – 1969. The research try to follow the political debate born in these years, from some of the most important international issues such as the Vietnam War, the Arab-Israeli question and the Prague Spring; the research also analyzes the relationships between the PSU and the Socialist International. The central theme of the project will, therefore, consist of a precise examination of the various interpretations developed within the party, divided in recent years in current well-defined and often contradict each other in relation to these important events in international politics. A careful reflection on these different judgments could also allow you to determine how much the lack of a precise and systematic program of international politics has helped to speed up the process of separation of the two souls of the party. The research aims, finally, to determine whether and how the socialist unification has put into question and crisis in the traditional guidelines of the socialist party's foreign policy, and to consider, therefore, the elements of continuity or rupture with respect to the ideological principles that the party had followed until then.
The People's Republic of China(PRC) & the United States(US) are the strategic rivals & economic partners at the same time. The continued rise of Chinese economic & military power could pose a significant challenge to the strategic status quo in East Asia & to US security interests in the international system. However a new global paradigm is at present working: the Chinese & US economies are increasingly intertwined, with a precarious interdependence between super-debtor( US ) & super-creditor(RPC). The relationship between the US & PRC will be marked by convergence towards deepening cooperation & stability or by deterioration, leading to increasingly open competition. The conclusion is that the US should continue to encourage China's active participation in the global economy & multilateral international institutions. Adapted from the source document.
Umberto Gori is an eminent representative of the first wave of international studies in Italy. Throughout the past decades he has constantly been engaged in a number of research projects – ranging from international organization to the theory of international relations, from strategic studies to forecasting – and has taught not only at the University of Florence but also at many other Italian and foreign institutions. The present collection of essays is meant to celebrate his outstanding career. The contributors are students of his who, in turn, have followed his path in teaching and research, and who acknowledge an intellectual debt to him. The volume is arranged according to three general themes that are consistent with Gori's interests: the competitive and cooperative dimensions of the international system; foreign policy and regional governance; the contemporary international order.
Trieste è stata, per un certo periodo di tempo, un privilegiato punto di osservazione sui principali fatti del mondo, in quanto sede di importanti compagnie di navigazione e di assicurazioni che fondavano i loro traffici e i loro interessi sulla raccolta e l'analisi puntuale della situazione internazionale. Infatti il giornalista triestino Silvio Benco dimostra notevole attenzione per la "geopolitica", una disciplina che si afferma alla fine del XIX secolo come strumento di interpretazione dei fatti della politica internazionale in relazione alla geografia terrestre. Grazie agli strumenti scientifici della geopolitica, egli è in grado di esaminare la trasformazione degli equilibri internazionali nei primi 50 anni del XX secolo, prestando attenzione ad alcuni aspetti molto importanti: la corsa agli armamenti delle grandi potenze europee per ottenere il predominio marittimo con spese così pesanti da pregiudicare l'economia dei singoli Stati; l'affermazione di nuove potenze (Giappone e Stati Uniti) che si contendono l'Oceano Pacifico e il declino dell'Impero russo messo in crisi dalla grave situazione interna; il declino dell'Europa dove i sistemi politici sembrano troppo fragili ed incapaci di dare vita ad una società realmente democratica, in essi prevalgono le spinte autoritarie e l'ascesa delle caste militari in pieno accordo con i circoli finanziari e industriali; la crisi balcanica che accelera il processo di dissoluzione dell'Impero austro-ungarico e dell'Impero ottomano, aprendo un pericoloso varco negli equilibri dell'Europa sud orientale. Infine, dopo la seconda guerra mondiale, Silvio Benco ripone molta fiducia nella possibilità di costruire un nuovo spirito europeo in considerazione degli errori che hanno portato ad un conflitto più terribile del precedente. Benco è consapevole che l'Europa ha esaurito il suo ruolo storico rinunciando da tempo alla cultura e allo spirito liberale, il continente sembra escluso dal futuro. La maggiore preoccupazione di Benco è la perdita di identità: egli è attratto dal progresso e dalla modernità ma guarda con diffidenza i grandi movimenti di massa che sembrano non controllabili. ; U određenom povijesnom razdoblju Trst je bio istaknuto mjesto za promatranje glavnih svjetskih događanja jer je bio sjedište važnih pomorskih i osiguravateljskih kompanija koje su temeljile svoj promet i interese na prikupljanju podataka i raščlambi međunarodne situacije. Tršćanski je novinar Silvio Benco pokazivao znatan interes za geopolitiku, disciplinu koja se krajem XIX. stoljeća potvrdila kao sredstvo za tumačenje događanja u međunarodnoj politici u odnosu na zemljopisne okolnosti. Zahvaljujući znanstvenom instrumentariju geopolitike bio je u stanju razmatrati promjene međunarodne ravnoteže u prvih pedeset godina XX. stoljeća posvećujući pozornost pojedinim vrlo važnim gledištima: utrci u naoružanju velikih europskih sila kako bi postigle pomorsku prevlast uz tako velike troškove da su naškodili gospodarstvu pojedinih država; potvrđivanju novih sila (Japana i Sjedinjenih Američkih Država) koje su se otimale za Tihi ocean i opadanju Ruskoga Carstva upaloga u krizu zbog teškoga unutarnjeg stanja; slabljenju Europe u kojoj su politički sustavi pokazivali krhkost i nesposobnost da oživotvore stvarno demokratsko društvo i u kojoj su prevladavala autoritarna stremljenja i uspon vojnih staleža u punoj suglasnosti s financijskim i industrijskim krugovima; balkanskoj krizi koja će ubrzati proces raspadanja Austro-Ugarskog i Osmanskog Carstva otvarajući opasnu pukotinu u ravnoteži Jugoistočne Europe. Konačno, poslije Drugoga svjetskog rata Silvio Benco vjerovao je u mogućnost izgradnje novoga europskoga duha s obzirom na pogreške koje su dovele do toga sukoba koji je bio strašniji od prethodnoga. Benco je bio svjestan da je Europa iscrpila svoju povijesnu ulogu odrekavši se odavno kulture i liberalnoga duha, da je kontinent izgledao isključen iz budućnosti. Glavna je Bencova preokupacija bila gubitak identiteta: bio je znatiželjan prema napretku i modernosti, ali je s nepovjerenjem gledao na velike masovne pokrete, za koje nije smatrao da ih je moguće držati pod nadzorom. ; At a certain point in history, Trieste was a crucial place for observing main political events due to its role as a centre of important naval and insurance companies which based their trade and interests on collecting data and analyzing the international affairs. Silvio Benco, a journalist from Trieste, showed interest for geopolitics, a discipline which proved to be a useful instrument for analyzing international political events in regard to geographical circumstances at the end of the 19th century. Thanks to the scientific instruments of geopolitics, he was able to investigate the changes in the international balance of the first half of the 20th century, giving much attention to certain important aspects: the arms race of great European countries over the domination of the sea which resulted in an expense so large that it damaged the economies of certain countries, the appearance of new political powers (Japan and United States of America) which fought over the domination of Pacific, the decline of Russian Empire which was in deep crisis because of hard inner turbulence, the weakness of European countries, whose political systems were becoming more fragile and were unable to properly shift towards democratic societies and were dominated by authoritarianism and the rise of military class with the full approval of financial and industrial circles; the crisis of Balkans which will accelerate the decline of Austrian-Hungarian Empire and Ottoman Empire, revealing a dangerous crack in the balance of South-East Europe. Finally, after Second World War, Silvio Benco believed that a new European spirit could be created considering the mistakes which created a conflict even more terrifying than the one before. Benco was aware that Europe's historical role had faded when it gave up its culture and liberal spirit, that the continent was excluded from the process of creating the future. Benco's main concern was the loss of identity: he was curious to see what the progress and modern times shall bring, but he did not trust the great mass movements, he believed they could not be kept under control.
Relations between Italy and Yugoslavia in the interwar period were generally tense, uncooperative and unfriendly. A number of political problems opened up a great rift between Rome and Belgrade: the diplomatic struggle for possession of Istria, Fiume and Dalmatia; the political rivalry for control of Albania; the Italian support for Croatian and Macedonian separatism; and the presence of national minorities within the respective borders. This paper, based on the most relevant and recent scholarly works on Italian-Yugoslav relations, seeks to offer a reassessment of the complexity of Italy's foreign policy towards Yugoslavia between the two world wars.
The research studies the economic relationship between Central Eastern Europe and East Asia, in particular the foreing trade and the foreign direct investments, by analyzing their political influences and implications. The research is divided in two parts. The first part involves the relationship between the two regions after the second world war until the events of 1989. The cold war and the sino-soviet split affected the economic bilateral ties in that period. The growth or the decrease of the foreign trade were the consequence of the choices made in the foreign policy field. The vents of 1989, however, definitely changed the relationship between Central Eastern Europe and East Asia. The second part of the research involves the bilateral trade and foreign investmens made after the 1989. During the Nineties the trade exchanges decreased because the crisis that affected the Central Eastern Europe countries. During 2000s the relationship has become stronger than before thanks to the foreign direct investments made in Europe by Japanese, Korean and, recently, Chinese investors. The future of the relationship between Central Eastern Europe and East Asia is uncertain, because the relevant differences between them, and depends from the choices the Asian giants will make next years.
The essay discusses theoretical and practical aspects of politics, war and diplomacy in late fifteenth-century Italy, using Machiavelli's works as an example of theory, Venetian foreign policy as an example of practice. The attempt to present Machiavelli as a founding father of the Realist school of International Relations is considered and dismissed. Major features of Machiavelli's thought are treated: his vision of the intimate connections between foreign affairs, war and political life; his distinguishing power from force; and his grasp of the importance of reputation. The value of these as a guide to the politics of Italy between 1454 and 1494 is assessed, with particular reference to Venice, and to the merits and defects of Machiavelli's famous comparison between ancient Rome and Venice. The career of Roberto di Sanseverino is examined to show that one premise upon which that comparison was based, that condottieri were unreliable, was sometimes well founded.
Indice, 9 Ringraziamenti, 11 Prefazione di Christiane Liermann, 17 Introduzione, 29 Capitolo I: La politica estera italiana e le relazioni bilaterali italo–tedesche all'epoca della distensione La politica estera italiana nel secondo dopoguerra, 29 La politica estera italiana all'epoca della distensione, 46 Le relazioni fra Italia e Repubblica federale, 71 Conclusioni, 78 Capitolo II: La distensione come tema delle relazioni diplomatiche italo–tedesche La Ostpolitik, 84 Diverse opinioni italiane a confronto, 84 Il riconoscimento della RDT: l'impazienza italiana dopo la firma dell'Accordo quadripartito su Berlino, 113 Le rassicurazioni e le paure tedesche, 118 Conclusioni, 123 I rapporti Est–Ovest e la sicurezza in Europa fino alla convocazione della CSCE, 129 Conclusioni, 157 Capitolo III: Roma e Bonn alla CSCE Il fulcro della sicurezza europea: la questione delle frontiere, 161 L'individuazione dei principi regolanti le relazioni fra gli Stati durante i negoziati preliminari: l'inviolabilità delle frontiere come principio indipendente dal non ricorso alla minaccia o all'uso della forza, 166 Le prime due sessioni: l'incertezza tedesca di fronte alle prime difficoltà, 170 La terza sessione: flessibilità tedesca e intransigenza italiana a confronto, 182 La quarta sessione: concessioni con maggiori garanzie grazie all'insistenza italiana, 198 I riferimenti all'inviolabilità durante la I fase della conferenza, 204 L'elaborazione dei principi dell'inviolabilità delle frontiere e dell'integrità territoriale nella II fase della conferenza, 207 La prima sessione: un nuovo inizio, 207 La seconda sessione: la redazione dell'inviolabilità e la separazione fra inviolabilità e mutamenti pacifici di frontiere, 214 La terza sessione: la redazione dell'integrità territoriale e la collocazione dei mutamenti pacifici, 227 La quarta e la quinta sessione: l'accordo sui mutamenti pacifici all'esterno della CSCE, 267 L'inviolabilità delle frontiere come tema degli incontri bilaterali, 281 Conclusioni, 298 Conclusione, 311 ; Al centro ...
Trentin's reflections on the union of rights and the CGIL's European project still appear highly relevant today, in particular his idea of an Italian trade union belonging to the European socialist family in line with Delors' proposal for a Federation of Nation States and with the "Spinelli Group's" battle for the coordination of economic and social policies, the European Constitution and a united Europe in foreign policy and defense. Moreover, nowadays, the definition of a social project attentive to the work universe, in a system of rights recognized for all European citizens, as well as the attention to the issue of lifelong learning and active aging is equally important for trade unions and the left wing in Italy and Europe.
'Going beyond the challenge' means looking at the phenomenon of migration in its complexity, through a multi and interdisciplinary approach. The chapters that make up the first part offer an over-view of the phenomenon, with a reflection on the numbers of migrations in Italy followed by an in-depth examination of its international dimension. The second part focuses on the Italian case, and on the Italian foreign policy towards some African countries. The third part of the book adopts a sociological perspective, including the reconfiguration of the 'border' in Italian legislation and the analysis of the reception model promoted in Tuscany. The fourth part analyses public communication, from hate speech to stereotypes, up to the politicization of the migration issue in some European countries.
Woodrow Wilson was elected President of the United States in 1912. His famous program The New Freedom was not focused on foreign policy, however, the years of his presidency were inevitably dominated by international events, ranging from the atrocities of World War I to the Paris Peace Conference. Democratic internationalism, theorized by Wilson in a systematic way towards the end of the Great War, will become a prevalent model in the United States international politics throughout the next century. Wilson's strong commitment to international relations, albeit hoping to devote himself entirely to the resolution of internal problems, makes his presidency still remembered nowadays as the one that consciously and definitively consecrated the American nation to the role of main protagonist of international politics.
By comparing the consequences of post-war events on the communist world of the Julian March and South Tyrol, the essay illustrates the different perspectives of the communist parties involved in the cross-country region between Austria, Italy and Yugoslavia. At the heart of the analysis is the PCI's strategy towards the two border regions. The Italian party sought to establish and legitimize itself as a political force in two regional scenarios. In the Julian March and Trieste, the obstacles presented to the PCI were manifold. This was due to the very dynamic foreign policy of the Government in Belgrade and its longa manus in the region, the Slovene CP, which intended to incorporate the entire Julian March into Socialist Yugoslavia. The situation in South Tyrol was very different: here, the PCI first chose a policy of strength, especially towards the initial antagonism of the Austrian CP.
