Realism has been the dominant conceptual approach to studying Indonesian foreign policy. This article, however, considers realist analyses to be insucient since their emphasis on the struggle for power and security in the system of states has led to the neglect of the importance of perspectives which focus on order. To ll the gap it then intends to apply the English School perspective which focuses on the concept of international society to trace the nature and function of Indonesian foreign policy. Two cases are examined, including the Asian African Conference and Association of South East Asian Nations, to demonstrate the relevance of international society for policy ideas and action. The central argument is that the Indonesian elite worldview indicates that the creation and maintenance of order in international societies are ones which are prominent objectives legitimizing the conduct of Indonesia's external relations.
This paper looks at how Indonesia contributes to the creation of a relatively peaceful and stable Southeast Asian region after the Cold War. It examines Jakarta's diplomacy in the South China Sea, and explains its implications for the making of the regional order. The argument is that Indonesia's impact on regional security has been apparent in its attention to the improvement of rule-based interaction among states in the region. However, recent developments have demonstrated that Indonesia's initiatives, formulated in the Indo-Pacific Cooperation Concept, are unsuccessful due to the lack of support from other ASEAN states. This paper shows that great powers politics in the troubled waters has hindered the advancement of Indonesian's orderdriven policy.
This article aims to test competing explanations about the US foreign aid policy, namely interest-driven theory, humanitarian theory, and domestic political theory. Using longitudinal data on the amount of Official Development Assistance provided by the US to 155 recipient countries from 1960 to 2008, analyzed using random coefficient models, the research found that humanitarian and domestic political theories can account for the US foreign aid policy to the recipient countries for almost five decades better than the interest-driven theory. Generally, the US were more likely to send aid to poorer countries and/or countries where the US-based NGOs were actively involved. The econometric models also show that there are some cross-sectional and temporal variations in the aid. On average, countries receiving high amount of aid in the 1960s tend to have lower annual growth rate in the money they received from the US.
In recent years, studies in the fields of both foreign policy analysis and international relations theory on China's domestic level have increased. However, these increases in studies have not been well received. Our research reviewed the related classical literature and the published literature over the past decade, seeking to find correlations among the various domestic factors and explore the progress of the operationalization of several variables. Our findings reveal that regime type and beliefs are the two variables which have been well studied in both of the fields of foreign policy analysis and international relations theory; that variables related to actors have been studied in the field of foreign policy analysis; and that new academic achievements inboth the studies have been adopted into the paradigms of international relations theory. These new developments have generally stimulated multilevel analysis in international relations. ; 近年来,国内政治层次在对外政策分析和国际关系理论两个领域的共同推动下,形成了一个要素庞多、交互复杂的知识网络体系,但却很少有研究兼顾宏观与微观双视角下去探究、梳理、整合这个知识体系。通过考察相关经典文献与近十年的研究成果,本文对国际关系研究中的国内政治解释进行类型化的分析,从宏观上寻找各要素之间的相关性,从微观上探索各变量的操作化进展。各变量在对外政策分析与国际关系理论两个领域的发展状况和深入程度存在差异,其中政体、观念等是两个领域的交互关系较深的变量,而行为体相关变量主要由对外政策分析领域推动,一些国际关系理论范式直接套用了这些研究成果。两个领域间相互推动发展的这种关系,不仅使国际关系研究不再只强调单方向、单层次的分析方法,而且互动与跨层次分析的成果也越来越丰富。
The existing literature on Indonesia's foreign policy has excluded the state from the category of an agent which shapes the country's external affairs. This trend certainly ignores the notion that foreign policy is a unique state activity taking place in the interface between domestic and international politics. To fill the gap, this article explores the idea about the family state and looks at its influence on the conduct of Indonesia's international relations. The argument is that the family state pursues order in international society in which sovereignty can be maintained. Indonesia plays the role of an order-maker in Southeast Asia through the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). The order-oriented actions are displayed by Jakarta's diplomacy to resolve border disputes with neighbouring countries in the region
Chan Wai Shun. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 193-216). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; ABSTRACT --- p.III ; 緒論 --- p.IV ; ACKNOWLEDGEMENT --- p.V ; TABLE OF CONTENT --- p.VII ; ABBREVIATIONS / LIST OF TABLES / LISTS OF FIGURES --- p.XII ; Chapter CHAPTER 1: --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Policy Background --- p.4 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Research Questions and Hypotheses --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Conceptualization of Terms --- p.8 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Thematic Framework of the Whole Dissertation --- p.11 ; Chapter 1.5 --- Methodology and Research Limitations --- p.14 ; Chapter 1.5.1 --- The Selection of Case --- p.16 ; Chapter 1.5.2 --- The Articulation of Narratives and Discourses --- p.17 ; Chapter 1.5.3 --- The Source of Narratives and Discourses --- p.18 ; Chapter 1.5.4 --- The Methodological Limitations --- p.20 ; Chapter 1.6 --- Potential Contributions --- p.21 ; Chapter 1.6.1 --- Contributions to Academic Community --- p.21 ; Chapter 1.6.2 --- Contributions to the Diplomatic Community --- p.23 ; Chapter 1.7 --- Chapter Summary and the Preview of the Dissertation --- p.24 ; Chapter CHAPTER 2: --- A THEORETICAL REVIEW ON EUROPEAN NEIGHBOURHOOD POLICY --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.1 --- IR Theories and their Application in European Neighbourhood Policy --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.1.1 --- Realism and its Variation --- p.26 ; Chapter 2.1.2 --- Liberal Institutionalism and Liberal Intergovernmentalism --- p.28 ; Chapter 2.1.3 --- Constructivism and its Application --- p.30 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Problems of the Traditional IR Theories --- p.34 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- The Maltreatment of Bargaining Game within EU --- p.35 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- The Maltreatment of EU Polity --- p.37 ; Chapter 2.2.3 --- The Maltreatment of EU Foreign Policy --- p.38 ; Chapter 2.3 --- From IR ThEories to Policy-oriented Analysis --- p.40 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- The Enlargement Experience of the Usual Reference --- p.41 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- The Cross-pillar Characteristics of ENP ...
AbstractThis article argues that MIKTA (Mexico, Indonesia, South Korea, Turkey, and Australia) are middle, regional, and constructive powers that can serve as providers of global governance in the international system. It argues that in order for MIKTA countries to serve as middle, regional, and constructive powers, they need to consolidate the support of all relevant State and non-State actors in their countries, allowing MIKTA to become a relevant mechanism to promote and generate public goods in the international system, specially global governance. Mexico is the second largest economy in Latin America. Mexico is today an actor with global responsibility and obligatory reference. A country with that weight must play in new boards and MIKTA, constituting and innovative alliance with key non-traditional partners, is a strategic space to expand the scope of Mexican foreign policy. Keywords : MIKTA, middle powers, foreign policy, Mexico
This paper tries to discuss diplomatic governance study on Indonesian decision-making and implementing foreign policy. Diplomatic governance is a concept that is adopted from democratic study on how to manage transparent and accountable decison-making policy. The discourse on diplomatic governance is expected to improve effectivity and efficiency of Indonesian foreign policy in achieving its national interests. Foreign policy that will be the focus of this paper is Indonesiaan foreign policy of administrative–based economy. In the last 10 years, this policy have been constractedserious problems such as corruption, lack of protection of Indonesian citizen abroad and crisis on law-politics issues such as dispute resolution in International Court of Justice in the case of Sipadan and Ligitan Islands.This paper considers that the lacks of effective and efficient of Indonesian foreign policy in articulating Indonesia"s national interests in international fora are closely related to the low governance negotiation discourse in the formulation and implementation of Indonesia's foreign policy.
Includes bibliographical references (p. [291]-309) and index ; China's legal system is characterized by the gap between law and reality. Focusing on regulatory law, and with reference to the foreign investment area, this book identifies the functional and structural problems within China's administrative legal system that perpetuate this gap. Topics examined in depth include China's unusual hierarchy of legislation, the lack of clear delineation between legal and policy norms, the great scope of discretion accorded to bodies charged with legal interpretation and implementation, the limited scope of judicial review, and the resulting problems of legislative inconsistency and haphazard legal enforcement. The book contends that China's legal system is being built on a faulty and incomplete basis, and that if these problems remain unaddressed, China's legal future is at risk ; published_or_final_version ; List of Diagrams ; Foreword ; Acknowledgments ; List of Abbreviations ; Bibliography p291 ; List of Statutes p311 ; Glossary of Chinese Words p321 ; Index p327 ; Ch. 1.Law and Reality ; Ch. 2.China's Administrative Legal Structure ; Ch. 3.Legal Flexibility ; Ch. 4.Legal Consistency ; Ch. 5.Implementation of Law ; Ch. 6.Legal Supervision ; Ch. 7.Conclusion ; The Role of Law and Its Contribution to Social Cohesion p4 ; The Basic Consensus Underpinning Social Order in Imperial China p17 ; Legal Reform 1904-1949: The Beginning of Normative Dislocation p20 ; The Manufacture and Breakdown of Consensus Underpinning China's Social, Political and Legal Order - 1949-78 p21 ; The Era of Reform (1978-Present) - The Attempt to Reconstruct Consensus Through Law p33 ; Law and Policy as Agents of Social Change p42 ; Renewal of Legitimacy Through Law p46 ; Lawmaking and Discretion p54 ; Hierarchy of Legislative Authority p55 ; Inherent and Conferred Power of State Power Organs and Administrative Bodies to Make Law p56 ; Lawmaking at the National Level p59 ; Lawmaking at the Local Level p83 ; Characteristics of Legal Drafting p95 ; Bringing Law Down to Reality - Specification and Administrative Interpretation p104 ; Normative Documents p105 ; Specification by State Council Departments p110 ; Specification by Local Government and Local Functional Departments p124 ; Legal Interpretation p135 ; Constitutional Supervision p148 ; Legislative Supervision p153 ; The Legal Status of Administrative Rules, Administrative Interpretations and Normative Documents p159 ; The Non-Application of Conflicting Rules and Normative Documents by Judicial and Quasi-Judicial Bodies p172 ; Tools of Legal Enforcement: Types of Specific Administrative Acts p190 ; Normative References Underlying the Policies of Legal Implementation Adopted by Administrative Bodies p222 ; Judicial Review and China's Lack of an Independent Legal Tradition p244 ; Administrative Review Organs and Their Ability (or Inability) to Perform Impartial Reviews of Administrative Action p260 ; Supervision by the Supreme People's Procuratorate p261 ; Supervision of Legal Implementation by Legislative, Administrative and Party Organs p263 ; The Implications of Continued Legal Dislocation p284 ; Preconditions for Further Development and Reform p285
Foreign policy stated by Indonesia related to the Republic ofVanuatu support for the Indenpendence of West Papua does not happennaturally. It is influenced by the facts and values that are had by theIndonesia that led to the perception and influences the decision ofmaking process. Indonesia stated that West Papua is a part of therepublic of Indonesia. Therefore, Indonesia states a foreign policy ofRepublic of Vanuatu regarding the support for the independence ofWest Papua. The result of this research indicates that there are someforeign policies of Indonesia against the Republic Vanuatu support forthe Independence of West Papua based on set of orientation, set ofcommitments and a group of behavior action. This research usesrealism approach, the concept of international politics, the concept offoreign policy, the concept of power, the concept of national interest, andthe concept of sovereignty that can explain the foreign policy ofIndonesia against the Republic Vanuatu support for the independenceof West Papua 2015-2016
The 2007 Indonesian investment law granted national treatment for foreign investors, establishing a transparent 'negative list' for out-of-bonds investment sectors, and has been considired as a reformative regulation in Indonesia's economic strategy. However, decentralized systems give autonomy to local governments to manage their projects and infrastructure themselves. This leads into increasiig investment burdens through their opaque measures that are creating perceptions of risk for foreign investors. As a result, lack of legal certainty, inconsistent regulations and judiciary system would hamter investments. This article argues that law 25/2007 should be supported by a comprehensive investment policy to attract more foreign investors into Indonesia. A key element in establishing a competitive region is a free and open investment regime, This article addresses policy impediment to private investment in Indonesia as well as in the ASEAN region. Indonesia and ASEAN should have non-discriminatory treatment extended to foreign investors including ASEAN-based inveitors, as the establishment of ASEAN Economic community (AEC) will cornmence in 2015. Legal certainty of international business transaction by private investors is fostering investments by both direct investment and indirect investment (portfolio). Parties to investment agreements include individuals, small, medium and large multinational corporations, and countries. In this centralized global atmosphere, the Indonesian agovemment has to provide guarantees to leverage private investments.
決定美國外交政策的因素是多樣的,有國內因素與國外因素。概括而言,影響其外交決策的國內政治力量有總統、國務院及國務卿,國防部、國會,利益集團同媒體等等,而上述各個權力體都會受到公眾輿論的限制。可以說,公眾輿論是美國這個民主政體的外交行為不可忽視的影響力量。早至上世紀中葉,以沃爾特李普曼為代表的一批國際關係專家曾掀起研究公眾輿論的熱潮,李普曼、阿爾蒙德等持現實主義理論的學者認為公眾輿論不具有穩定性和理性,其情緒化,變幻莫測還容易收到外界影響,不應影響一國的外交決策。爭鋒相對的,自由主義理論的支持者則堅持公眾有權利參與外交決策,也有能力從國家利益出發理性地參與外交問題。 ; 自由主義和現實主義理論關於公眾輿論的認識是從不同角度出發去理解公眾輿論在外交決策領域的作用,因此二者難分上下,也不分對錯,一再糾纏與兩種理論的爭鋒不利於我們瞭解美國公眾輿論和外交決策的真實關係。本研究即是從此出發點考慮,跳出理論之爭,而將研究的重點集中於分析公眾輿論是如何在具體的情境中與政府互動的。筆者將通過對1940年代這一政策調整頻繁時期《紐約時報》對華新聞報導的分析,來考察在宋美齡訪美、重慶談判、承認中華人民共和國等歷史事件中美國民眾、媒體態度的變化以及政府在其中的角色如何。本研究的創新之處則在於從小處,即《紐約時報》的新聞報導著手看公眾輿論與美國外交決策這一宏觀互動關係的具體形式,希望有助於美國政治文化的研究。 ; Over the past six decades since the founding of the People's Republic of China, our understanding of the Sino-U.S. relations has undergone considerable revisions. From the beginning of the Cold War to President Nixon's visit to China, U.S. and China had been from enemies to friends, rivals to partners, later with the rise of China as one important power of world politics as well as economy, the balance between relations of U.S. and China flows with the distinguished definition of national interests. Therefore, the images of China in American eyes were never belonged to any stable type, public opinion in the U.S. has developed many different perspectives on China. ; Public Opinion plays an interesting role in shaping U.S. foreign policy, and the academic community and political observers have repeatedly debated on elaborations of its influence. To examine whether public opinion has participated in the policy making process of U.S. diplomacy is one good way to investigate if the development and expansion of government institutions would undermine the operation of liberal democracy and infringe on personal liberties. ; In order to answer the question in how Public Opinion influences the Government in foreign policy making and how the government, the media and Public interacted, I will conduct empirical studies and News analysis to interpret the New York Times News reports concerning U.S. Foreign Policy towards China in the ...
Ng Hoi Lam. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 138-149). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.ix ; Acknowledgments --- p.xi ; List of Abbreviations,Tables and Figures --- p.xii ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction: Summit in Sino-American relations --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Magic Figure --- p.1 ; Chapter - --- 30th Anniversary of Rapprochement between the US and China ; Chapter 1.2 --- Puzzle --- p.3 ; Chapter - --- The Central question ; Chapter 1.3 --- Layout --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Argument --- p.6 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review: Linking the internal politics to decision-making process of foreign policy Rational model VS Power model in High politics --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.1 --- What is a Summit? --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Who is/ are the person(s) in-charge of foreign policy making process? --- p.11 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Foreign Policy decision making model(s) ; Chapter - --- Rationality model VS Power model --- p.16 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Linking internal and external politics ; Chapter - --- Two-level game instead of realism --- p.21 ; Chapter 2.5 --- Value of summitry --- p.25 ; Chapter - --- A photo-taking arena ; Chapter - --- Symbolism or substance? ; Chapter 2.6 --- Summitry in APEC --- p.32 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Methodology & Theoretical Framework: Summitry for settling legitimacy dilemma by two-level game --- p.34 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Focusing the subject --- p.34 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Research Method and Data --- p.38 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Nature of Sino-American relations --- p.39 ; Chapter 3.4 --- Summitry under two-level game --- p.47 ; Chapter 3.5 --- Pattern in APEC summits --- p.53 ; Chapter 3.6 --- "Modeling in 3 'I's´ؤInternational, internal and individual" --- p.55 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- A Year of Presidential Elections: The case of 1996 --- p.61 ; Chapter 4.1 --- Manila APEC --- p.61 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Jiang's Taiwan Policy ; Chapter - --- How did the 'Eight Points' work under internal politics --- p.62 ...
Budgeting for a state or a country seems to be the most important part to handle administration and government policy in term of socio economic reason. In practice, a lot of government tends to subscribe a balance budget whereby it is striving to balance between revenues and expenditures accurately. Unfortunately, this balancing post uses a debt and foreign aid charged by interest to cover any shortage in revenues. In the real context, the budget deficit management based on debt is still controversial and considered inappropriate with developing country conditions which their economies are unstable and fluctuated. Unfortunately, many countries in the world including Muslim-populated countries subscribe budget deficit system whereby the sources of its fund are backed up by debt. The focus of this paper is to analyze two main sensitive issues of the Indonesian economy in the light of Maqasid Al Shariah. This study employs a method of literature review and combined with data analysis. Actually, Islam has a very rich literature legacy in administrating public sector economy and it becomes important theory and framework as a stance or point of view to analyze the prevailing system. The high interest rate payment is the main issue of public sector expenditure. Indonesian government seems no choices to resolve its public sector economy and relies too much on debt management. For social welfare expenditure there has been a misallocation in emphasizing budget expenditure whereby oil and petroleum subsidy consume almost majority of the total welfare expenditure in Indonesian public sector economy
Abstract COVID – 19 is an unprecedented occasion that forces every state to adapt to the current changes in the dynamics of international relations. The impacts that are given by the Pandemic are not only on the health aspects, but also give the spillover effects to some aspects, such as economy and social, as the result of the closed-border policy and the restrictions policy on trading. By that means, the holistic and comprehensive approaches are needed to tackle the pandemic. Furthermore, Global Health Diplomacy is considered as one of the instruments or means to tackle the impacts of it. Notwithstanding, there are some states which implement the Me First Policy, especially at the beginning of the Pandemic. This paper examines Indonesia Foreign Policy through Global Health Diplomacy during COVID – 19 and to analyses the characteristics of the policy, either cooperative or competitive. This paper uses the concept of Global Health Diplomacy by Kickbusch and Told on 21st Century Health Diplomacy: A New Relationship between Foreign Policy and Health, Global Health Diplomacy: The Need for New Perspectives, Strategic Approaches and Skills in Global Health, by Kickbusch, Ilona; Silberschmidt, Gaudenz; Buss, Paulo and the concept of Global Health Diplomacy by Khazatzadeh-Mahani, A., Ruckert, A., & LabontÉ, R Through its Global Health Diplomacy, Indonesia is aiming to implement the policy which are based on the solidarity and cooperativeness. Keywords: COVID – 19, Global Health Diplomacy, Indonesia, Cooperative, Competitive
