Suchergebnisse

Realism has been the dominant conceptual approach to studying Indonesian foreign policy. This article, however, considers realist analyses to be insucient since their emphasis on the struggle for power and security in the system of states has led to the neglect of the importance of perspectives which focus on order. To ll the gap it then intends to apply the English School perspective which focuses on the concept of international society to trace the nature and function of Indonesian foreign policy. Two cases are examined, including the Asian African Conference and Association of South East Asian Nations, to demonstrate the relevance of international society for policy ideas and action. The central argument is that the Indonesian elite worldview indicates that the creation and maintenance of order in international societies are ones which are prominent objectives legitimizing the conduct of Indonesia's external relations.

This paper looks at how Indonesia contributes to the creation of a relatively peaceful and stable Southeast Asian region after the Cold War. It examines Jakarta's diplomacy in the South China Sea, and explains its implications for the making of the regional order. The argument is that Indonesia's impact on regional security has been apparent in its attention to the improvement of rule-based interaction among states in the region. However, recent developments have demonstrated that Indonesia's initiatives, formulated in the Indo-Pacific Cooperation Concept, are unsuccessful due to the lack of support from other ASEAN states. This paper shows that great powers politics in the troubled waters has hindered the advancement of Indonesian's orderdriven policy.

This paper aims to review the existing debate on the relations between national and European levels in the EU and identify existing gaps. It aims at showing the current compartelization of the academic debate and suggesting a possible remedy. It discusses the current trends in Europeanization studies and shows that one of the dimensions (bottom-up) remains understudied. Similarly, the concept has been applied in the area of foreign policy in a very limited way to the detriment of our understanding of reality. Following these findings, the article suggests, firstly, that the relationship between the adjustment to European integration and the ability to pursue one's interest should be studied, both in terms of form and results, and, secondly, that foreign policy should be included in this research framework. ; This paper aims to review the existing debate on the relations between national and European levels in the EU and identify existing gaps. It aims at showing the current compartelization of the academic debate and suggesting a possible remedy. It discusses the current trends in Europeanization studies and shows that one of the dimensions (bottom-up) remains understudied. Similarly, the concept has been applied in the area of foreign policy in a very limited way to the detriment of our understanding of reality. Following these findings, the article suggests, firstly, that the relationship between the adjustment to European integration and the ability to pursue one's interest should be studied, both in terms of form and results, and, secondly, that foreign policy should be included in this research framework.

Enthält den Text außerdem in tschechischer Spr. u.d.T.: Promyslet Evropu. Konference na Prazskem hrade 6-8 zari 2001

On the basis of the analysis of news content from 2008 to 2012, we describe in this article the tendencies of Czech media in dealing with foreign policy topics, using a combination of quantitative content analysis and qualitative case studies of selected foreign policy events. Both quantitative and qualitative analyses demonstrate that the coverage of political events in the media is highly personalised and viewed through the prism of the personal or political interests of Czech political elites and the conflicts between them. As concerns the diversity of the actors presented and topics covered, the Czech media produce a considerably restricted and more or less uniform stream of news commented upon by a relatively limited spectrum of actors, mainly Czech politicians. For non-political, non-governmental, and international actors, access to the debate is considerably limited. The print media tends to present major political events as power-based conflicts between individuals or groups, rather than as negotiations about public affairs supported by substantive arguments. In effect, Habermas's classical vision of the role of mass media in democracy, which is to promote rational discussion as a desirable form of public debate, is replaced with persuasion through emotional appeal, which has been widely criticised. At the same time, however, some theoretical traditions see it more positively as a less restrictive form of public discourse. ; On the basis of the analysis of news content from 2008 to 2012, we describe in this article the tendencies of Czech media in dealing with foreign policy topics, using a combination of quantitative content analysis and qualitative case studies of selected foreign policy events. Both quantitative and qualitative analyses demonstrate that the coverage of political events in the media is highly personalised and viewed through the prism of the personal or political interests of Czech political elites and the conflicts between them. As concerns the diversity of the actors presented and ...

This article aims to test competing explanations about the US foreign aid policy, namely interest-driven theory, humanitarian theory, and domestic political theory. Using longitudinal data on the amount of Official Development Assistance provided by the US to 155 recipient countries from 1960 to 2008, analyzed using random coefficient models, the research found that humanitarian and domestic political theories can account for the US foreign aid policy to the recipient countries for almost five decades better than the interest-driven theory. Generally, the US were more likely to send aid to poorer countries and/or countries where the US-based NGOs were actively involved. The econometric models also show that there are some cross-sectional and temporal variations in the aid. On average, countries receiving high amount of aid in the 1960s tend to have lower annual growth rate in the money they received from the US.

The existing literature on Indonesia's foreign policy has excluded the state from the category of an agent which shapes the country's external affairs. This trend certainly ignores the notion that foreign policy is a unique state activity taking place in the interface between domestic and international politics. To fill the gap, this article explores the idea about the family state and looks at its influence on the conduct of Indonesia's international relations. The argument is that the family state pursues order in international society in which sovereignty can be maintained. Indonesia plays the role of an order-maker in Southeast Asia through the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). The order-oriented actions are displayed by Jakarta's diplomacy to resolve border disputes with neighbouring countries in the region

The application of the concepts of polity, politics & policy can serve as a useful tool for the analysis of the EU's regional policy. The aim of the article is to highlight several divergences that were recognized by applying the aforementioned concepts to a single policy. The main framework of the analysis is based on the partnership principle, which is closely linked to all three dimensions (ie, polity, politics, policy) of the regional policy of the EU. References. Adapted from the source document.

A thorough overview of the foreign policy conducted by the government of Flanders which was granted the status of autonomous region in the 1993 reform of the Belgian state. Discussed are: (1) the principles of equality in domestic & foreign policy promulgation & the parity of federal & regional governments encoded in the 1993 law, (2) the strategic objectives of the Flemish foreign policy, (3) the continuity/discontinuity in the Flemish foreign policy of the 1990s, (4) the basic components of the Flemish foreign policy, & (6) the description & evaluation of bilateral & multilateral policies carried out by the Flemish government since 1993. The nine criteria applied in deciding toward which countries & regions of the world should the Flemish foreign policy be oriented are listed, & representation offices abroad & bilateral agreements & contracts are tabulated to demonstrate the effectiveness of the Flemish government on the international arena. Multilateral policies pursued within international organizations are discussed & evaluated for their relevance & impact on the region of Flanders, the Belgian federation, & the organizations within which such policies are carried out. An assessment of the Flemish government's accomplishments in its foreign policies identifies both pioneering initiatives & missed opportunities. Foreign policy challenges in the near future for both the regional & federal governments are identified. 42 References. Z. Dubiel

The foreign policy of the European Union is usually perceived as being significantly different from the common conception of modern foreign policy of sovereign nation states. In this article we will construct two models of foreign policy & confront them with current EU external relations. Firstly we shall look at the modern foreign policy model based on a neorealist approach. Secondly we shall examine its post-modern alternative that draws its inspiration from the post-structuralism of Jacques Derrida. The comparison is focused on three dimensions: the actor representing the foreign policy; his primary goal; & the key principles invoked in interactions with other actors. We conclude that the EU foreign policy cannot be sufficiently explained by neither of the two models. The large gap between the two models could probably be filled by the third, liberal model of foreign policy. Adapted from the source document.

Contemporarily human rights are ranked among the most crucial foreign policy priorities in many countries. At the same time numerous states are forced to consider the human rights agenda under growing international pressure. The substance of foreign policy in the field of human rights, its intensity & instruments vary in many different aspects. The paper focuses on foreign policy in the field of human rights analysis. Its aim is to comprehend & extend prevailing methods in order to obtain an analytical scheme applicable to almost every country. To fulfill this aim it includes several steps, the most important of which are: examining the essence of analyzing foreign policy in the field of human rights as a specific part of the foreign policy agenda, introduction & elaboration of the so called Mower's apparatus, interpretation of foreign policy in the field of human rights using different levels of analysis & developing methods of its evaluation. In the end the paper summarizes the current state of research & makes some recommendations for the future. Adapted from the source document.

De Wetenschappelijke Raad voor het Regeringsbeleid (WRR) bepleit in zijn rapport Aan het buitenland gehecht een nieuwe aanpak van het buitenlandbeleid. De wereld om ons heen is onderhevig aan veranderende machtsverhoudingen, wordt bevolkt door andere spelers dan in het verleden, en wordt gekenmerkt door een sterkere verknoping van nationale en internationale vraagstukken. Dit vraagt om nieuwe antwoorden, om een heroriëntatie op het buitenlandbeleid. Het rapport wordt op 30 november namens de regering in ontvangst genomen door de minister van Buitenlandse Zaken, dr. U. Rosenthal. Het rapport st

The article aims to introduce the phenomenon of public diplomacy, highlighting the key features of the concept. The author is looking into why public diplomacy is worth of the attention of academics, pointing out the reasons for considering public diplomacy a relevant & legitimate segment of foreign policy -- and not just a trendy phrase. The article presents a brief overview of the development of public diplomacy so far, identifying the main reasons for public diplomacy being an important item on today's foreign policy agenda. Seeking to clarify what public diplomacy is & what its implications are, the author highlights some core features of public diplomacy & their temporal & thematic change. The article also touches upon the relationship between public diplomacy & propaganda, branding, international cultural relations & traditional diplomacy. The author concludes with effective public diplomacy strategies & preconditions for its further development. Adapted from the source document.