Suchergebnisse

The paper analyses the motivation behind the Czech Foreign Policy's decision to support the "measures" of the "EU-14" towards Austria in 2000, which was an exception among EU-accessions candidate states. This paper offers two hypotheses explaining the Czech decision to follow the EU-14 measures: defense of European values or international norms vs. the assertion of the national interest. The hypotheses have been constructed with the help of two approaches: the constructivist distinction between "logic of appropriateness" & the "logic of consequentiality" in the state behavior, & the liberal-intergovernmental model of maximizing benefit, i.e. improving the state's negotiation position. The analysis of arguments which were used by the Czech political elite showed that the normative argument & the argument regarding "national interest" were both used in different variations by both advocates & opponents of the "sanctions." Through an analysis of empirical material the author came to the conclusion that detection of motives in foreign policy decisions requires consideration of both of the aforementioned approaches. Obviously, a comparative survey including further research materials could eventually support this conclusion. References. Adapted from the source document.

International negotiation & communication contribute to the improvement of international relations. Negotiation between states & also other subjects of international relations is one of basic forms of its function. First of all, it is necessary to characterize negotiation as a phenomenon & also its key elements. It is possible to start with the definition of elementary words in this field such as communication, negotiation, & diplomacy, & also its mutual connections. Next step is a characteristic of several basic variables, which we can see in all negotiations without respect to when, where, & on which theme the negotiation is occurring -- information, time & power. Negotiation is also characterized as a process with its phases & dynamics. Basic phases are analysis of subject, planning of possible solutions & discussion -- it means full negotiation. Elementary styles of negotiation are also part of this characteristic. Two key categories represent positional & principal negotiation. Cultural aspects of negotiation, especially in international relations are another important part. These aspects arise from definition of culture, cultural dimension of international relations, also intercultural communication & necessity of its understanding. Values paradigm (system of basic values) & characteristics of different cultures also play a very important part. These values cooperate on the creation of different approaches of these cultures, members to negotiation, & the use of different styles. Crucial are in this sense e.g. using of language or time & also one of the basic classifications on individualistic & interdependent ethoses, with low-context or high-context negotiation style. In the context of international negotiation it is possible to come up different variants of negotiation. There are, first of all, bilateral or multilateral negotiation or mediation & good offices and, of course, inquiry, conciliation, arbitration & jurisdictional disputes. Examined are many elements eg., style, strategy (used during negotiation), selection of group of participants, formulation of agenda, venue of negotiation, proceedings, decision-making & many other questions in these styles. It is necessary to mention that in current international practice negotiation is one of the main legitimate methods of resolving conflicts, & above all preventing of such conflicts. Adapted from the source document.

This article deals with the rules of power distribution and the delegation of power in international security organizations. More specifically, the paper describes and evaluates the delegation of power in the security regimes of the UN, NATO, and the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). The paper proceeds from a hypothesis drawing on existing research. According to this hypothesis, the security regime of the UN is marked by a substantial delegation of power, but we can observe only weak power delegations in NATO and the CFSP. So while the UN's security regime can be considered supranational, NATO and the CFSP represent intergovernmental regimes. The analysis carried out in this paper confirms the hypothesis. In comparison with existing literature, however, the paper submits much more precise and concrete findings. Moreover, the paper also forwards a rather unique conceptual and methodological approach for studies of power distribution in international organizations (IOs). In this way, it contributes towards the general study of IOs, which is currently rather stagnant. Adapted from the source document.

The article aims to describe & analyze the phenomenon of the EU regional policy in the Czech Republic. For the purpose of the article, the regional policy of the EU is described as a relation between the independent Czech regional policy bound by Czech laws & regional support of the EU. The article describes the actual preparation (legislative, institutional) of the Czech Republic for the effective utilization of regional support in the context of EU enlargement. The article also analyzes possible problems & conflict areas in the implementation structure of Joint regional operational program. 14 References. Adapted from the source document.

The September 11th, terrorist attacks on the United States totally overshadowed the significant legislative changes in the field of the US sanctions policy, which went into effect in the years 2000 and 2001. Albeit these changes as such may appear insufficient at first sight, the decade of sanctions policy reform debates and disputes which preceded these changes justifies the conclusion that they are the best result possible, and far more important than any unsystematic shifts in the regime of imposing economic sanctions for foreign policy purposes made back in the 1990s. The need to reform the US sanctions policy was caused by afundamental change of the international environment brought about by the end of the Cold War. Unlike in the bipolar world, wherein universal sanctions measures were fully sufficient, it was necessary after the end of the Cold War to react to numerous and varied threats to US foreign policy interests. This was done by laws "tailored" for the sanctioned country. The attempt to reform US sanctions policy in the 1990s revealed infull the rivalry between the legislative and executive powers, both of which wanted to preserve the decisive influence upon administrating sanctions and making decisions about them. It was undoubtedly the legislative power the Congress -- which emerged strengthened from the decade of rivalry. The last major factor reemerging in the sanctions policy reform debate and disputes was the issue of extraterritorial effects of some us laws. The extraterritoriality of us legislation caused a backlash in the world, which the US administration could not simply ignore. Yet the United States will probably not give up this powerful tool for forced multilateralization of its unilateral sanctions since this tool enables the US to avoid protracted and uncertain promotion of its interests in the form of multilateral sanctions negotiated by traditional diplomatic means. Adapted from the source document.

The study examines results of the accession negotiations of the Czech Republic to the European Union (1998-2000). The main research questions are: how to measure success or failure in the accession negotiations? Are the conditions of the Czech Republic's entry well negotiated? Why are the results of the negotiations the way they are? The study demonstrates that the abilities of negotiators influence the results of the accession negotiations. This confirms the hypothesis that negotiators' abilities, their strategy, & tactics matters in this specific & highly asymmetric negotiations, although the character of the accession negotiations would presume that those should have only minor role in the accession talks. The analysis studies the influence of the negotiators' abilities in the good results in the area of the transitional periods as well as in the relatively less successful outcomes in the financial deal. Although a direct correlation between the effective strategy/tactics & successful results as well as between the incompetent or missing strategy/tactics & unsuccessful outcomes was not found, the study proves the impact of the individual as well as collective strategy/tactics of the candidates. The Czech Republic individually, as well as in the cooperation with other candidates, achieved not only expected minor concessions but was also able to change the original position of the EU & even the EU methodology. The strategy of the Czech foreign policy towards the bilateral disputes with the member states (nuclear power Temein, Benes decrees) could influence the low sum of the future Czech income for the years 2004-2006 from the EU budget, although the resultant amount was mainly determined by the objective reasons in the distribution of the finances among the candidates. Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

This study deals with the issue of development relations between China and Africa in the context of the Beijing concensus. It attempts to provide an analysis of Chinese foreign policy since the beginning of the 90's. The text is divided into three basic parts. The first contains discussion on the theories of development, including the main features of the (post)Washington concensus based on liberalism, decentralization and privatization, followed by the Beijing concensus representing the counter-paradigm. The second focuses on the historical roots of bilateral relations since the beginning of the 20th century until the end of the Cold War. TAZARA, the Tanzania-Zambia railway built by China is chosen as the most representative example of Chinese foreign policy during the Cold War period. The last part deals with current relations influenced by Chinese oil diplomacy and the so-called one-China policy. Sudan and Angola are chosen as significant examples of African states in which China is involved. Adapted from the source document.

This article deals with the relationship between Norway & the European Union. Norway is now the only Scandinavian country that is not a member of the EU. Nevertheless, it cooperates with the EU very closely in an increasing number of areas. Norway's membership in the European Economic Area has positive, as well as negative, consequences for the country. In addition, Norway is facing many challenges related to the enlargement of the EU. The divergence between the foreign policies of the US & the EU puts Norway in an uncomfortable position. On the basis of assessment of these factors, the authors conclude that it is possible that Norway would apply for membership in the EU after the forthcoming elections in September 2005. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

The article examines the issue of the Czech Republic's (CR) membership in the European Union as regards the external dimension of security policy. The focus is on the participation of the CR in peace missions, both military & civilian, in the "out of area" zone. Military missions are a key aspect of foreign & security policy, & a part of the contemporary European Security & Defence Policy (ESDP). The framework of analysis utilizes the three-dimensional concept of politics -- polity, politics & policy. According to our analysis, the CR's participation in EU's missions is a predictable & natural outcome of Czech membership. The article also discusses the area of possible EU operations. The perimeter of the "closer neighbourhood" will play an important role in the future. However, other areas such as central Africa & some parts of Asia will also become the target of EU activities, mainly due to the nature of contemporary security threats. Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

The paper searches for the essentials of the American neoconservative movement. The article focuses on the beginnings of the first generation, the "godfathers" of the movement, and especially the personality and life of Irving Kristol. First the article analyses the pre-neoconservative situation in United States. The roots of the movement are found in the liberal environment and its break-up in the reality of the turbulent Sixties. The development of the neoconservative movement through various concepts of domestic and foreign policy is described in the context of conservative-liberal struggle in the USA, while the position of neoconservatives is compared to these orientations. The long evolution of opinions and orientations of Irving Kristol is interpreted as a typical feature of the whole movement, and his life serves as the guide for the concept of the paper. The article presents the main eight fundamentals of the neoconservative movement formulated by Irving Kristol, and the study is concluded with a short section focused on the foreign policy opinions of the movement during the Reagan administration. Adapted from the source document.

This study deals with the phenomenon of paradiplomacy, or parallel diplomacy. Paradiplomacy refers to international activities of cities and regions and includes marketing and public diplomacy, cross-border cooperation, functional trans-border cooperation, cultural and educational cooperation, and other activities. Paradiplomacy developed in the last third of the 20th century as a result of economic globalization, state decentralization, nationalism and the strengthening of regional identity, European integration, and the internationalization of cultural, educational, environmental, transport and other topics labelled as "low politics". Thus, we can identify both economic and political foundations of paradiplomacy. The first part of the study presents a review of literature on paradiplomacy; the second part is a case study of foreign policy instituted by the City of Prague in the electoral term 2006-2010. This case study confirmed initial hypotheses: first, that paradiplomacy is influenced by three supra-national factors: economic globalization (a), regional and global political and economic regimes (b), and transnational networks, mainly based in the EU (c); second, that paradiplomacy is influenced by institutional and constitutional relations between the centre and regions; third, that paradiplomacy is influenced by the antagonistic nature of these relations. Adapted from the source document.

The article aims to analyze representational practices which relied upon a series of relations that helped to legitimate U.S. foreign policy towards revolutionary Cuba in the years 1959-1960. Thinking of the U.S.-Cuban relations in terms of representational practices, the study deals with the representations of Cuba and explores how they were connected with certain strategies of political legitimization in the U.S. discourse. This attitude highlights an aspect of power as a producer of meanings, subject identities, their relationships and a range of imaginable conduct. For that matter, the analysis endorses the representational practices used to depict "the other" as a basis for conceptualization of the strategies. Adapted from the source document.

During both occasions of the 1st anniversary of the German Grand Coalition government CDU/CSU & SPD (2005/2006) & of the 10th anniversary of the Czech-German Declaration on reconciliation (1997) the author analysis the recent German foreign policy, especially the role of past burdens in the bilateral relations. Gradually, although they faced many complications, both a legal & political solution was found, & instilled, creating a prevision for, & to a certain degree institutionalizing "the culture of historical controversy." The rhetoric of historical guilt & responsibility slowly disappears in Germany's relationships to the states of Central & East Central Europe, it relates also to the reconciliation rituals. On the other hand the new German government (with the CDU-chancellorship) has accepted all declarations & treaties made by preceding governments, including those which deal with property issues between the F.R.G. & Poland/Czech Republics respectively. The main dash is not drawn between any single political camps; rather nowadays, it is drawn right across the German society & their political elites. Especially the topic of World War II & its victims has become a conventional subject & one of public historical memory. This appeared shortly after the new government was appointed into office, as well as the idea that the moral-historical dimension of the Czech-German, Polish-German (and any other neighbors to Germany) relations will not disappear, but instead achieve a new quality. Only the role of moderator will be given to the governments & to the political sphere. Parallel to the departure of the last generation of contemporaries, the theme will be changed, & there will be only one of many reference frameworks in German relations to its neighbor states & their societies. This will, however, not be a linear process: relapsing is not excluded & it will depend on the responsibility & maturity of the political elites as well as the quality of the Czech-German "community of interests" (including the constituting role of European Security & Energy policies), as to how they will be managed. Adapted from the source document.

During the last few years we have observed great changes in the oil market along with the growing tendency to use oil as a means for international politics. There is a need for analyzing this situation. In this study the author shows how the "oil weapon," functions as a mechanism which may influence foreign policies of the USA & European countries. The text lists the basic circumstances & conditions that turn oil as a commodity into a successful mean for economic war. It also shows possible restrictions & obstructions of such use of oil. Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.