Suchergebnisse

De Wetenschappelijke Raad voor het Regeringsbeleid (WRR) bepleit in zijn rapport Aan het buitenland gehecht een nieuwe aanpak van het buitenlandbeleid. De wereld om ons heen is onderhevig aan veranderende machtsverhoudingen, wordt bevolkt door andere spelers dan in het verleden, en wordt gekenmerkt door een sterkere verknoping van nationale en internationale vraagstukken. Dit vraagt om nieuwe antwoorden, om een heroriëntatie op het buitenlandbeleid. Het rapport wordt op 30 november namens de regering in ontvangst genomen door de minister van Buitenlandse Zaken, dr. U. Rosenthal. Het rapport st

Reading the news about Iran today one can hardly imagine that relations between the Netherlands and Iran were excellent until 1979. Mohammed-Reza Pahlavi, the last shah of Persia, was known in The Netherlands as a visionary and reformer. Persia was represented as a mythical land with an ancient civilization. The Dutch royal family enjoyed visiting the shah, and large and small Dutch companies were successful in Iran.

When in the 1970s awareness spread about repression under the shah, the Dutch government was faced with difficult choices. How could these relations be continued, now that public opinion had turned against it? The Dutch government decided to ignore the criticisms, and firmly held on to the idea of the shah as an enlightened despot. As such, it did not see the Iranian Revolution coming, and suffered the consequences.

Throughout the year the controversial legislative elections dominated the political landscape. Huge anti-government demonstrations that called in vain for political alternance. The legislative elections of 20 December 2018, boycotted by the major opposition parties, resulted in an easy victory of the ruling party, however without the expected constitutional amendment majority. Therefore, the prime minister and his cabinet were replaced. The local elections, crucial for democratization at the grass-roots, but postponed time and again since 1987, were again postponed in December 2018 sine die. Economic growth remained stable at about 5% per annum. Public investment in infrastructure (e. g. roads, harbour) and increases in agricultural productivity, notably of export crops, had been the key drivers of economic growth. Moreover, money-laundering, illegal money transfers and trafficking grew alarmingly. Unemployment and lacking political change caused increasing migration.

On both sides of the Rhine, the 1970s were characterized by intense social upheaval, economic shocks, and domestic and foreign policy uncertainties. This volume examines perceptions and consequences of the 1968 protest movement along with the impact of the 1973 oil crisis and the threat of terrorism as transnational phenomena. Bernhard Gotto und Horst Möller,IfZ München-Berlin, Jean Mondot, Universität Bordeaux, Nicole Pelletier, Universität Bordeaux.

1963 to 1969 was a critical period in German-French relations. The ink was hardly dry on the Élysée treaty when disagreements flared up between Paris and Bonn. Analyzing public and private archival sources in France and Germany, Carine Germond examines the impact of the Paris-Bonn "engine" on the development of the European Community and on the relaxation of East-West tensions

The present book invites the reader to rethink some questions raised in EU external relations law in the light of recent developments in the case law of the Court of Justice, from the perspective of the constitutional foundations of the Union. The various chapters invite the reader to take a look at the balance between the specific legal regime for EU external action and the constitutional fundamentals of the EU legal order such as: the principles of conferral, loyalty, and institutional balance, as well as the rule of law, democracy, and fundamental rights protection. The accommodation between specificity and fundamental principles is, thus, a transversal constitutional issue.

Bis zum Fall der Berliner Mauer galt Frankreich als zentraler politischer und militärischer Akteur in Europa, der zwar einerseits vom Schutz der USA profitierte, sich aber andererseits seine Unabhängigkeit und seinen eigenen Handlungsspielraum bewahrte. Das Ende der Blockkonfrontation des Kalten Krieges beendete diese Sonderstellung Frankreichs in Europa. Angesichts der Neuorganisation des internationalen Staatensystems entschied sich Frankreich für eine Fortführung, aber zugleich Weiterentwicklung seiner drei strategischen Leitlinien: der globale Geltungsanspruch, die Europa-Bindung und die nukleare Abschreckung als Kern der französischen Verteidigungspolitik. Zugleich zeichnen sich drei Brüche in der strategischen Kultur Frankreichs ab. Dies betrifft das diplomatische und militärische Auftreten Frankreichs, die Deutung der Begriffe Allianz und Partnerschaft - vor allem mit den USA und Schwellenländern - und schließlich die Beziehungen zu Afrika und dem Mittelmeer-Raum. Frankreich steht heute vor der schwierigen Aufgabe, die eingeleitete Revision und Neujustierung seiner außenpolitischen Strategie weiter voranzutreiben und zugleich sein Verständnis der internationalen Beziehungen und die Instrumente seiner Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik zu überdenken.

Controversial constitutional and institutional reforms voted in May 2019 in parliament opened the way for President Gnassingbé to stand for a fourth and fifth term because the law does not apply retroactively. In February 2020, the President won again the disputed presidential elections and thus consolidated his power, assisted by the loyal army and security services. The outbreak of the Corona epidemic in Togo in March and the subsequent economic recession may have contributed to limit popular protest against the Gnassingbé regime. The human rights record of the government has improved, but remains poor. Yet, the international community followed a 'laissez faire' approach in the interests of regional stability. The economy dropped into recession due to the worldwide economic negative effects of the corona-crisis. The democracy index of the Economic Intelligence Unit, London, still rated Togo as an 'authoritarian regime'.

Seit dem "Arabischen Frühling" ist der Mittelmeerraum wieder zur politischen Drehscheibe geworden. Was kann Europa tun? Wie soll es sich positionieren? Autoren aus Marokko, Tunesien, Ägypten, Syrien, Katar, dem Senegal, Spanien, Frankreich und Deutschland blicken auf die gemeinsame Geschichte, analysieren aktuelle Entwicklungen und geben Impulse für die euro-mediterranen Beziehungen.

Der russische Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine stellt in vielerlei Hinsicht einen Wendepunkt für die Europäische Union dar. Praktisch alle Politikbereiche sind davon betroffen, von der gemeinsamen Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik über unsere Position gegenüber Verbündeten wie den Vereinigten Staaten und wichtigen geopolitischen Akteuren wie China. Der Krieg hat Auswirkungen auf unsere Energiesicherheit, die Energiepreise und die Art und Weise, wie wir den Übergang zu kohlenstoffneutralen Energiequellen organisieren. Die Inflation ist nach Europa zurückgekehrt, und viele Bürger fühlen sich von der Anhäufung von Krisen seit dem Ausbruch der Covid19-Pandemie im Jahre 2020 überfordert. Die in diesem Buch versammelten Aufsätze wurden von Forschern im Umfeld des CIFE (Centre international de formation européenne) in Nizza und Berlin verfasst. Sie befassen sich mit verschiedenen Herausforderungen für die EU, die durch die Zeitenwende des Jahres 2022 ausgelöst wurden. Mit Beiträgen von Laurent Baechler | Michel-Henry Bouchet | Flo Van den Broek | Philipp Brugner | Eda Bülbül | Martin Fleischer | Tobias Flessenkemper | Rachel Guyet | Gabrielle Heyvaert | András Inotai | Arnaud Leconte | Jeffrey Lu | Hartmut Marhold | Kristian Nielsen | Aline Palige | Kyriakos Revelas | Herman Van Rompuy | Merve Samalp | Sarah Sporys | George Tzogopoulos | Jean-Claude Vérez | Matthias Waechter

Cover -- Contents -- Contributors -- Acknowledgments -- Canadian calendar -- Editor's introduction -- THE FEDERAL PERSPECTIVE -- Parliament and politics -- THE FATE OF THE MEECH LAKE ACCORD -- THE ECONOMY -- THE GOODS AND SERVICES TAX -- NATIONAL INSTITUTIONS -- THE NATIONAL PARTIES -- ABORIGINAL AFFAIRS -- WOMEN AND POLITICS -- MAJOR POLICY AREAS -- PERSONALITIES, SCANDALS, AND CONTROVERSIES -- Ottawa and the provinces -- THE DEMISE OF THE MEECH LAKE ACCORD -- NEW BUSINESS -- OLD BUSINESS -- External affairs and defence -- INTRODUCTION -- CANADA-U.S. RELATIONS -- RELATIONS WITH THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY -- THE MULTILATERAL TRADE NEGOTIATIONS -- RESPONDING TO EUROPEAN CHANGE -- SOUTHERN AFRICA -- CANADA AND THE UNITED NATIONS -- OPERATION DESERT SHIELD -- THE 1991 BUDGET -- FORCE REDUCTIONS IN EUROPE -- CRUISE TESTING AND CF-18S -- CONFRONTING THE FIRST NATIONS AT OKA -- THE MILITARY'S TREATMENT OF WOMEN AND HOMOSEXUALS -- LOW-LEVEL FLYING IN GOOSE BAY -- PROCEDURAL JUSTICE IN THE CANADIAN MILITARY -- CONCLUSION -- THE PROVINCIAL PERSPECTIVES -- ONTARIO -- The Patricia Starr scandal and other legacies from 1989 -- The legislative session -- Social policy -- Resource policy -- Justice policy and prominent court cases -- Intergovernmental relations -- Political party activity -- The election -- The debut of the NDP -- The economy -- QUEBEC -- Politics -- The economy -- Legislation -- Intergovernmental affairs -- NOVA SCOTIA -- Politics -- The legislature -- The economy -- Intergovernmental relations -- NEW BRUNSWICK -- Spring legislative session -- Meech Lake again -- Fall legislative session -- The GST blues -- More signs of a troubled economy -- NDP and CoR outshine confused Tories -- MANITOBA -- The Meech Lake Accord -- The election -- The 35th legislature -- The budget and economic developments -- BRITISH COLUMBIA -- Social developments -- The economy -- Public finance -- Legislative developments -- Political developments -- PRINCE EDWARD ISLAND -- State of the economy -- Politics and government -- Significant public issues -- SASKATCHEWAN -- The government and the legislature -- The political parties -- Federal-provincial relations -- The economy -- Around the province -- ALBERTA -- The legislature -- The economy -- Environmental issues -- Political parties -- Other issues -- NEWFOUNDLAND AND LABRADOR -- The legislature -- The economy and economic development -- Politics and political parties -- Federal-provincial relations -- THE YUKON AND THE NORTHWEST TERRITORIES -- The territories in the Canadian federation -- The Yukon: Economic conditions and policy -- Yukon politics and government -- The Yukon land claims process -- NWT: Economic change and the Mackenzie Valley -- NWT: Land claims and territorial division -- Social conditions and initiatives in NWT -- Obituaries -- Index of Names -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- T$20.

Livres, journaux, périodiques, objets d'art, émissions télévisées, vidéos, musique, prestations théâtrales sont aujourd'hui considérés comme des biens et des services et dès lors susceptibles d'être soumis aux accords commerciaux de libre-échange.Mais, comment gérer les droits d'auteur sur le plan international et éviter le piratage? Quels sont les impacts économiques d'une plus grande ouverture? Les gouvernements doivent-ils subventionner les arts et protéger les marchés nationaux?Les principaux accords commerciaux et la culture ainsi que les impacts et enjeux d'une intégration de la culture

This collection covers the key areas of EU external relations law and broader institutional dimensions and principles of Union law. It does so under five headings - institutional dimensions; principles of Union law and legal theory; international law aspects; specific EU external policies (the Common Foreign and Security Policy; the Common Commercial Policy; and Justice and Home Affairs); and EU international agreements. Well-established academics and experienced practitioners from the different EU institutions offer a unique insight into EU practice and academic analysis of the most pertinent legal issues in the post-Lisbon legal environment of the EU, in particular in the external relations area --Back cover

Controversial constitutional and institutional reforms voted in May in parliament opened the way for President Gnassingbé to stand for a fourth and fifth term (2020 and 2025) because the law does not apply retroactively. The first local elections since more than 30 years resulted in the victory of the ruling party. Grand expectations of the opposition which had hoped for a fundamental change at least at the grass-roots were again dashed. The human rights situation sharply deteriorated due to growing political and social tensions related to the prospects of the head of state running for a fourth term. Islamist terrorist violence spread from Mali to the northern frontier region of Togo. The autonomous deep-water port of Lomé developed as a growth pole and hub for the sub-region. China became the major partner beside the established partners the EU, France and Germany. The informal sector still dominated the economy. Economic freedom remained with the overall status 'mostly unfree'.