Suchergebnisse

El nuestro sigue siendo un país con extrema desigualdad social. Este grave problema a resolver, no sólo no debe afectar las posibilidades de una política exterior muy activa sino, por el contrario, debe operar como un disparador para profundizar nuestras relaciones con todos los estados democráticos del mundo, con los espacios de integración que estos conforman y con los organismos multilaterales que, en lo político estimulan la paz, la democracia y la cooperación, y en lo económico promueven la protección ambiental, el mejoramiento de la salud, la educación y el bienestar, con el objetivo de una mayor cohesión de las sociedades con alcance universal. ; Ours is still a country which displays extreme social inequality. This serious problem which is expecting a solution not only need not affect the possibilities of a very active foreign policy, but, on the contrary, should trigger off the development of deeper relations with all other democratic states in the world and the integration spaces they form. Such relations should also be enhanced with the multilateral organisms that stimulate peace, democracy and co-operation and promote environmental protection, health, educational and welfare improvement. If this happened, a higher degree of cohesion between societies would be achieved. ; Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales

The announcement of Sweden's adherence to a feminist perspective on its foreign policy contributed to the gender agenda debate being broadened internationally. Therefore, it is considered important to analyze, from the South, how feminist foreign policy (FFP) has modified the discourses on traditional practices in foreign policy. In order to carry out this study, the Swedish International Cooperation agenda was selected as a case to be examined. This research takes into account that the debate on gender and development has been articulated at least since the 1970s, and several contributions have underlined the need to question the power patterns involving the cooperation policies of the countries from North to South (Aguinaga et al, 2011). Moreover, over the years countless alternatives to traditional and hierarchical practices of cooperation have been articulated by feminist women in both the South and the global North. Given that Sweden adopted, as part of the feminist paradigm, the habit of carrying out a review of its policies, this study is developed from an analysis of Swedish rhetoric in the document on FFP policy practices released in 2017. Taking into account the narrative of seven themes, the extent to which there has been an insertion of the debates developed by Southern Feminisms in discourses on practices is debated. In the first part of this article, a theoretical review is carried out on the debate around the construction of feminist solidarity in international politics (Mohanty, 2003; 2008). It is understood that the category of women was included in the cooperation programs and policies through the process of homogenization of differences; that is, it was based on a universal assumption about feminist demands, without including the perspectives of the states receiving policies. Thus, a process of naturalization and generalization on the discursive performance and international practice on North-South cooperation was established. This has resulted in an elaboration on women of the North and South in opposite directions, in which there is an idea that one has to teach the other how to achieve gender equality. The argument of this study is that an FFP pursues the goal of building a shared relationship, in which cooperation is an interaction without hierarchies between the states involved; that is, there is a feminist solidarity in the construction of policies. In other words, it seeks to identify the differences around gender issues and the category of women, adding them to political perspectives and thus developing more universal international approaches. While this should be an objective pursued by a FFP, and while there has also been discussion of what happens in traditional cooperation practices and discourses, northern countries tend to homogenize differences between women. This is done in line with neoliberal feminist perspectives, and does not include analyses of the patriarchal structure that promotes gender coloniality and generates subinclusive and superinclusive policies (Crenshaw, 2002). In the second part of the article, the Swedish context that contributed to the elaboration of a paradigmatic feminist policy is presented. The country's women's social movements have had the capacity to articulate with the state over the years, which has accessed the welfare state and encouraged governments to assume discourses and policies that provide gender equality. The basis of this action is the formulation of the Swedish welfare state, which has elaborated domestically movement towards gender equality, and included social feminist demands in the formulation of public policies. In 2014, this perspective was formally placed in international politics and, consequently, in the country's agendas, such as international development cooperation. With regard to this context of progress, the Swedish 2017 document was analyzed, seeking to identify elements that would point to a reproduction of the traditional perspective of cooperation in the country's rhetoric on the effectiveness of cooperation. This is where the actors of the North are the majority in the agreements, and where there is no discursive representation of the demands of the collectives of the South nor the processes of joint construction with the receiving countries. In the study, it was possible to verify, like Nylund (2017), that the feminist foreign policy of Sweden produces totally feminist discourses, but also post-colonial rhetoric. In the feminist sense, we highlight the articulation capacity of feminism between the Swedish state and the feminist movements of the country in order to recognize, as in Llistar (2009), that when a country has the capacity to absorb the demands of social collectives in its international agendas -in the case of cooperation- it can be said that it is a cooperation of solidarity with low selfish interests. On the other hand, when we argue that Sweden has postcolonial discourses, we mean that, although it points out in its FFP manual that it seeks to develop a horizontal and intersectional policy, with the inclusion of local participation, in its rhetoric about the practice of cooperation the country does not emphasize joint actions with receiving countries. A narrative was also observed that values the performance of the state itself as a donor and its traditional partners in the North, such as development banks and private actors. Nevertheless, it does not present the integration of the critical vision of the southern feminisms on this classic performance of international cooperation. In this way, it is argued that one side of feminist solidarity is missing. This means that, although there is recognition of the advance of Swedish feminisms in favoring the development of an FFP, the valorization and presentation of the performance of the southern actors is still lacking in the rhetoric in the results. So that, once again, they are not described as passive actors of cooperation, but that their different and critical perspectives contribute to the presentation of a more plural and universal discourse. Finally, this article concludes that the development of critical analyses from the global South contributes to FFP being articulated in pursuit of the goal of feminist solidarity. We do not propose this analysis as a way to deny the advances established by Swedish politics, but to integrate the other part of feminist solidarity: including the vision of the South in the formulation of the agenda. ; En 2014 Suecia fue el primer país en afirmar que pasaría a desarrollar una Política Exterior Feminista (PEF). Este anuncio suscitó varias especulaciones sobre lo que significaría la inserción del paradigma feminista como política exterior. Autores y centros de estudio fueron, a lo largo de estos años, definiendo que una PEF trataría de un cambio en la ética de la política internacional revisando actores, estructuras y narrativas que tienden a generar una desigualdad de género y que suma opresiones de raza, identidad, etnia, religión, entre otros. En este contexto, este estudio se considera importante al desarrollar un análisis en torno a la aplicación de la PEF sueca desde una perspectiva del Sur global, con el objetivo de observar las narrativas sobre las prácticas de cooperación sueca en el ámbito de la PEF. En este sentido, se ha optado por analizar la retórica sobre los resultados de la cooperación sueca en los tres primeros años de PEF de manera a observar si la narrativa sobre los resultados también presenta el mismo cambio propuesto por la definición de la cooperación, o si reproduce, en alguna medida, los discursos tradicionales. Este estudio fue realizado a partir del análisis de la narrativa presentada en documentos producidos por el gobierno sueco en el año de 2017. Se puede concluir que, a pesar de que Suecia ha avanzado en el tema al integrar las demandas de los movimientos feministas a sus políticas de Estado y gobierno, aún se puede observar la reproducción de discursos tradicionales de la cooperación internacional al desarrollo. Puesto que en su retórica no se explotan las asociaciones con los Estados del Sur receptores de la cooperación y mantiene actores de la cooperación tradicional del Norte, reforzando el uso de la categoría género como indicador en la ayuda al desarrollo y poco cuestionadora de las relaciones de poder existentes entre Norte y Sur.

El presente trabajo ha sido realizado con apoyo de la Coordinación de Perfeccionamiento de Personal de Nivel Superior - Brasil (CAPES) - Código de Financiación 001. ; En 2014 Suecia fue el primer país en afirmar que pasaría a desarrollar una política exterior feminista (PEF). Este anuncio suscitó varias especulaciones sobre lo que significaría la inserción del paradigma feminista como política exterior. Autores y centros de estudio fueron, a lo largo de estos años, definiendo que una PEF trataría de un cambio en la ética de la política internacional revisando actores, estructuras y narrativas que tienden a generar una desigualdad de género y que suma opresiones de raza, identidad, etnia, religión, entre otros. En este contexto, este estudio se considera importante al desarrollar un análisis en torno a la aplicación de la PEF sueca desde una perspectiva del Sur global, con el objetivo de observar las narrativas sobre las prácticas de cooperación sueca en el ámbito de la PEF. En este sentido, se ha optado por analizar la retórica sobre los resultados de la cooperación sueca en los tres primeros años de PEF de manera a observar si la narrativa sobre los resultados también presenta el mismo cambio propuesto por la definición de la cooperación, o si reproduce, en alguna medida, los discursos tradicionales. Este estudio fue realizado a partir del análisis de la narrativa presentada en documentos producidos por el gobierno sueco en el año de 2017. Se puede concluir que, a pesar de que Suecia ha avanzado en el tema al integrar las demandas de los movimientos feministas a sus políticas de estado y gobierno, aún se puede observar la reproducción de discursos tradicionales de la cooperación internacional al desarrollo. Puesto que en su retórica no se explotan las asociaciones con los estados del Sur receptores de la cooperación y mantiene actores de la cooperación tradicional del Norte, reforzando el uso de la categoría género como indicador en la ayuda al desarrollo y poco cuestionadora de las relaciones de poder existentes entre Norte y Sur. ; The announcement of Sweden's adherence to a feminist perspective on its foreign policy contributed to the gender agenda debate being broadened internationally. Therefore, it is considered important to analyze, from the South, how feminist foreign policy (FFP) has modified the discourses on traditional practices in foreign policy. In order to carry out this study, the Swedish International Cooperation agenda was selected as a case to be examined. This research takes into account that the debate on gender and development has been articulated at least since the 1970s, and several contributions have underlined the need to question the power patterns involving the cooperation policies of the countries from North to South (Aguinaga et al, 2011). Moreover, over the years countless alternatives to traditional and hierarchical practices of cooperation have been articulated by feminist women in both the South and the global North. Given that Sweden adopted, as part of the feminist paradigm, the habit of carrying out a review of its policies, this study is developed from an analysis of Swedish rhetoric in the document on FFP policy practices released in 2017. Taking into account the narrative of seven themes, the extent to which there has been an insertion of the debates developed by Southern Feminisms in discourses on practices is debated. In the first part of this article, a theoretical review is carried out on the debate around the construction of feminist solidarity in international politics (Mohanty, 2003; 2008). It is understood that the category of women was included in the cooperation programs and policies through the process of homogenization of differences; that is, it was based on a universal assumption about feminist demands, without including the perspectives of the states receiving policies. Thus, a process of naturalization and generalization on the discursive performance and international practice on North-South cooperation was established. This has resulted in an elaboration on women of the North and South in opposite directions, in which there is an idea that one has to teach the other how to achieve gender equality. The argument of this study is that an FFP pursues the goal of building a shared relationship, in which cooperation is an interaction without hierarchies between the states involved; that is, there is a feminist solidarity in the construction of policies. In other words, it seeks to identify the differences around gender issues and the category of women, adding them to political perspectives and thus developing more universal international approaches. While this should be an objective pursued by a FFP, and while there has also been discussion of what happens in traditional cooperation practices and discourses, northern countries tend to homogenize differences between women. This is done in line with neoliberal feminist perspectives, and does not include analyses of the patriarchal structure that promotes gender coloniality and generates subinclusive and superinclusive policies (Crenshaw, 2002). In the second part of the article, the Swedish context that contributed to the elaboration of a paradigmatic feminist policy is presented. The country's women's social movements have had the capacity to articulate with the state over the years, which has accessed the welfare state and encouraged governments to assume discourses and policies that provide gender equality. The basis of this action is the formulation of the Swedish welfare state, which has elaborated domestically movement towards gender equality, and included social feminist demands in the formulation of public policies. In 2014, this perspective was formally placed in international politics and, consequently, in the country's agendas, such as international development cooperation. With regard to this context of progress, the Swedish 2017 document was analyzed, seeking to identify elements that would point to a reproduction of the traditional perspective of cooperation in the country's rhetoric on the effectiveness of cooperation. This is where the actors of the North are the majority in the agreements, and where there is no discursive representation of the demands of the collectives of the South nor the processes of joint construction with the receiving countries. In the study, it was possible to verify, like Nylund (2017), that the feminist foreign policy of Sweden produces totally feminist discourses, but also post-colonial rhetoric. In the feminist sense, we highlight the articulation capacity of feminism between the Swedish state and the feminist movements of the country in order to recognize, as in Llistar (2009), that when a country has the capacity to absorb the demands of social collectives in its international agendas -in the case of cooperation- it can be said that it is a cooperation of solidarity with low selfish interests. On the other hand, when we argue that Sweden has postcolonial discourses, we mean that, although it points out in its FFP manual that it seeks to develop a horizontal and intersectional policy, with the inclusion of local participation, in its rhetoric about the practice of cooperation the country does not emphasize joint actions with receiving countries. A narrative was also observed that values the performance of the state itself as a donor and its traditional partners in the North, such as development banks and private actors. Nevertheless, it does not present the integration of the critical vision of the southern feminisms on this classic performance of international cooperation. In this way, it is argued that one side of feminist solidarity is missing. This means that, although there is recognition of the advance of Swedish feminisms in favoring the development of an FFP, the valorization and presentation of the performance of the southern actors is still lacking in the rhetoric in the results. So that, once again, they are not described as passive actors of cooperation, but that their different and critical perspectives contribute to the presentation of a more plural and universal discourse. Finally, this article concludes that the development of critical analyses from the global South contributes to FFP being articulated in pursuit of the goal of feminist solidarity. We do not propose this analysis as a way to deny the advances established by Swedish politics, but to integrate the other part of feminist solidarity: including the vision of the South in the formulation of the agenda. ; Coordinación de Perfeccionamiento de Personal de Nivel Superior - Brasil (CAPES) - Código de Financiación 001

Este artículo estudia la transición en la política exterior uruguaya durante el período 2000-2011 con énfasis en las metas y prioridades, el proceso de toma de decisiones y la interacción entre formulación de la política exterior y los determinantes de la política doméstica. El argumento sostiene que el ascenso de la izquierda uruguaya al gobierno generó el surgimiento de una nueva aproximación a las relaciones internacionales, caracterizado por la promoción de la integración regional, la cooperación sur-sur y el desarrollo. El análisis se concentra en tres períodos presidenciales incluyendo el gobierno actual a fin de establecer los elementos de cambio y continuidad a lo largo del período. ; This article studies the transition in the Uruguayan foreign policy during the period 2000-2011 focusing on goals and priorities, the decision-making process and the interaction between policy formulation and the determinants of domestic politics. It argues that the accession of the Uruguayan Left to government caused the emergence of a new approach to international relations characterized by the promotion of regional integration, South-South cooperation and development. The analysis concentrates on three presidential periods, included current administration, to establish the degree of change and continuity throughout the period. ; 129-152 ; iclement@fcs.edu.uy ; semestral

Este trabajo se concentra en la Política Exterior Argentina en tiempos recientes, es decir, durante los gobiernos de Cristina Fernández, desde la perspectiva de la teoría de la autonomía propuesta por Juan Carlos Puig y los aportes de Helio Jaguaribe para América Latina en general y para sus países específicamente, Argentina y Brasil respectivamente. A partir de un recorrido por los principales conceptos de la mencionada teoría, se analizan algunos de los temas que aparecen en forma más distintiva en la agenda externa 2007-2014, a partir del seguimiento de noticias de periódicos de tirada masiva a nivel nacional que realiza el Observatorio de Política Exterior Argentina en forma semanal. Estos son: Relaciones Económicas Internacionales, cuestión Malvinas, causa Amia y la política de derechos humanos ; This paper focuses on the foreign policy of Argentina in recent times, that is, during the government of Cristina Fernandez, from the perspective of the theory of autonomy proposed by Juan Carlos Puig and contributions of Helio Jaguaribe for Latin America in general and for their specific countries, Argentina and Brazil respectively. Taking into account the main concepts of that theory, we analise some of the topics that appear in more distinctive shape on the external agenda 2007-2014, by tracking news of mass circulation newspapers nationwide. This tracking process is performed by the Argentinean Observatory of Foreign Policy. The topics included are: International Economic Relations, Malvinas, Amia and human rights policy ; Fil: Bueno, María del Pilar. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas (CONICET). Universidad Nacional de Rosario. Facultad de Ciencia Política y Relaciones Internacionales; Argentina.

Iran's constitution, which was drafted after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, was mainly influenced by Islamic ideology. In this constitution, foreign policy is one of the categories that is well considered and taking a text of a revolutionary nature and influenced by the ideological atmosphere of the regime, aims to draw up a special strategy in the foreign relations of the Persian country. Therefore, the purpose of reviewing the foundations and structure of the foreign policy of the Republic of Iran and, at the same time, explaining how it develops at the stage of approval and revision of its constitution prevails. In addition, a comparative study of Iran's foreign policy with some countries is carried out, among them: the United States, France, Turkey, and India. The method used was the documentary and was based on the interpretation of textual sources with descriptive and comparative techniques, together with the analysis of the content of the constitution. The findings show that Iran's foreign policy after the Islamic Revolution is based on Islamic principles and seeks interaction with all countries through friendly relations.

The Republic of Colombia, is organized in the form of a social and democratic state of law which has some implications for foreign policy. This state form of how power is distributed in the territory affects the formulation and practice of foreign policy. In Colombia, is organized as centralized power and is the President of the Republic in whom that power is concentrated. Also, the international human rights standards, limited to governments in developing its foreign policy which has to be made democratically. However, the more concentrated the government, less democracy will in foreign policy. This paper aims to identify how the Colombian foreign policy, necessarily limits set by the International Law of Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law affecting even domestic politics. In the social and democratic state of law, politics has limits, and the foreign policy of a state can not escape these limits and must follow them. However, foreign policy in Colombia, has a glaring weakness: its exclusive centralism, which is made evident with the decision of the Court of Justice in The Hague in which is affected the population of San Andres and Providencia in the Caribbean region, was not heard in the international process. ; La República de Colombia, está organizada bajo la forma de un Estado Social y Democrático de Derecho lo cual tiene unas implicaciones en su política exterior. Esta forma estatal de cómo se distribuye el poder en el territorio incide en la formulación y práctica de la política exterior. En Colombia, se ha organizado el poder en forma centralista y es el Presidente de la República en quien se concentra ese poder. Asimismo, las normas internacionales de Derechos Humanos, limitan a los gobiernos en la elaboración de su política exterior la cual, tiene que ser elaborada en forma democrática. Sin embargo, entre más concentrado esté el poder público, menos democracia habrá en política exterior. Este trabajo persigue identificar cómo la política exterior colombiana, necesariamente tiene límites establecidos por el Derecho Internacional de los Derechos Humanos y por el Derecho Internacional Humanitario que afectan, incluso, la política interna. En el Estado Social y Democrático de Derecho, la política tiene límites, y la política exterior de un Estado no puede escapar a estos límites y debe ajustarse a ellos. No obstante, la política exterior en Colombia, tiene una debilidad manifiesta: su centralismo excluyente, que se patentiza con la decisión adoptada por el Tribunal de Justicia de La Haya en la que se afecta a la población sanandresana y de Providencia de la región Caribe, que no fue oida en el proceso internacional.

This article shows how the Raizal population participated in Colombian foreign policy during the period 2012-2017, more precisely in issues related to the borders controversy between Colombia and Nicaragua, after the decision of the International Court of Justice. Through interviews and press research, the evolution of the decision-making process of the Colombian Government is tracked and this is cross-referenced with the Raizal actions reported. In the approach to ethnic groups and foreign policy studies, three categories of analysis emerge: confrontation, co-optation and cooperation, across which the facts are shown for the period, concluding with the relevance of studying the ethnic groups and their influence in States' foreign policy, particularly Colombian foreign policy. ; Este artículo muestra la forma en que participó la etnia raizal en el período 2012-2017 en la política exterior colombiana, puntualmente en los asuntos vinculados al diferendo limítrofe entre Colombia y Nicaragua tras lo determinado por la Corte Internacional de Justicia. A través de entrevistas y seguimiento de prensa, se rastrea la evolución de la toma de decisiones del gobierno colombiano y se interseca con las acciones raizales descritas por sus protagonistas. Con el acercamiento a estudios de etnias y política exterior, surgen tres categorías de análisis, a saber, la confrontación, la cooptación y la cooperación, por medio de las cuales se aterrizan los hechos dentro del período y se concluye la importancia de estudiar los grupos étnicos y su influencia en la política exterior de los Estados, en este caso particular, en la colombiana.

This work aims to analyze the foreign policy in Chile since 1990 with a particular focus on the ideational, discursive and material aspects. Through the lens of the Critical Theory on the international relations, the blending of ideas, discourses, strategies and actions embracing organic ideology of the Chilean foreign policy since 1990 is considered herein. This article provides a chronological tour and a brief analysis of the organic ideology underlying the said foreign policy, which characterizes by a self-perception of national superiority, the valuation of the territory and the law, and also the regional isolationism and monoproduct commercial opening to the big powers, among other characteristics. In conclusion, Chile with a pragmatic and chameleon-like style has shaped a transitional hegemonic context, by virtue of ideological, economic and political interests of the dominant elites. ; El objetivo del presente trabajo es en analizar la política exterior de Chile desde 1990, enfocándose particularmente en sus aspectos ideacionales, discursivos y materiales. Mediante el lente de la Teoría Crítica en las Relaciones Internacionales, se tiene en consideración una amalgama de ideas, discursos, estrategias y acciones que encierran la ideología orgánica de la política exterior de Chile desde 1990. Este artículo ofrece un recorrido cronológico y un breve análisis sobre la ideología orgánica de esta política exterior, que se caracteriza por una autopercepción de superioridad nacional, el valor por el territorio y la ley, como también el aislacionismo regional y su apertura comercial monoproductiva con las grandes potencias, entre otras características. En definitiva, Chile en un estilo pragmático y camaleónico, se ha moldeado a un contexto hegemónico transnacional, en virtud de los intereses ideológicos, económicos y políticos de dominación de elites.

Foreign policy design is a debt that social sciences still have. Our objective in thiswork is to present a thorough analysis of its political and social dimension as well as a properglobal assessment of the dynamic and critical world scenario based on the pragmatic realismparameters required by the economy, society and international and domestic politics. Ourproposal will be carried out using the academic and scientific methodology belonging toboth Political Science and International Relations, aiming to become a tool enjoying directapplication by those in charge of foreign policy decision-making. This proposal rests on a set of rules and principles that we consider prime, a result of academic and scientific elaboration within the top standards that political science and international relations demand. In this way, they will be an extremely useful tool in favor of officials in charge of foreign policy decision-making. ; : El tratamiento de la formulación de una política exterior constituye una deudaque tienen las ciencias sociales. El objetivo es plantear el análisis profundo de la dimensiónpolítica y social en su abordaje y un correcto diagnóstico global sobre el dinámico y críticoescenario mundial con los parámetros de realismo pragmático que requiere la economía, lasociedad y la política nacional e internacional. La formulación propuesta ha de ser bajo laelaboración académica y científica que exigen la Ciencia Política y las RelacionesInternacionales para convertirse en una herramienta de directa utilidad para quienes estána cargo de los mecanismos decisorios de política exterior.

Este trabajo se concentra en la Política Exterior Argentina en tiempos recientes, es decir, durante los gobiernos de Cristina Fernández, desde la perspectiva de la teoría de la autonomía propuesta por Juan Carlos Puig y los aportes de Helio Jaguaribe para América Latina en general y para sus países específicamente, Argentina y Brasil respectivamente. A partir de un recorrido por los principales conceptos de la mencionada teoría, se analizan algunos de los temas que aparecen en forma más distintiva en la agenda externa 2007-2014, a partir del seguimiento de noticias de periódicos de tirada masiva a nivel nacional que realiza el Observatorio de Política Exterior Argentina en forma semanal. Estos son: Relaciones Económicas Internacionales, cuestión Malvinas, causa Amia y la política de derechos humanos. ; This paper focuses on the foreign policy of Argentina in recent times, that is, during the government of Cristina Fernandez, from the perspective of the theory of autonomy proposed by Juan Carlos Puig and contributions of Helio Jaguaribe for Latin America in general and for their specific countries, Argentina and Brazil respectively. Taking into account the main concepts of that theory, we analise some of the topics that appear in more distinctive shape on the external agenda 2007-2014, by tracking news of mass circulation newspapers nationwide. This tracking process is performed by the Argentinean Observatory of Foreign Policy. The topics included are: International Economic Relations, Malvinas, Amia and human rights policy. ; Fil: Bueno, Maria del Pilar. Universidad Nacional de Rosario. Facultad de Ciencia Política y Relaciones Internacionales; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina

This article analyzes the government programs of presidential candidates, who then became presidents of Chile (1990-2016); its objective is to find and explain the continuities and discontinuities reflected in the Foreign Policy sections. To analyze the most important topics, the Comparative Manifestos Project (CMP) methodology is used, which, by analyzing content, categorizes in 56 areas, the phrases or quasi-sentences of the candidates in the political programs or manifestos during the pre-election period. First, the importance of the Foreign Policy is identified in each program. Then, the results obtained in the CMP are described, identifying the priority topics. Finally, the results are explained within the national and international context to obtain the motivations that each of the candidates had to incorporate these topics in the highest position of their Foreign Policy agendas. ; Este artículo analiza los programas de gobierno de candidatos, que luego se convirtieron en presidentes de Chile (1990 - 2016), con el objetivo es encontrar y explicar continuidades y discontinuidades en sus apartados de Política Exterior. Para analizar los temas prioritarios en este apartado, se utiliza la metodología del Comparative Manifestos Project (CMP) que, mediante el análisis de contenido, categoriza en 56 áreas, las frases o cuasi-frases de los candidatos contenidas en los programas políticos o manifiestos durante el periodo preelectoral. Primero, se identifica la importancia de la Política Exterior en cada programa. Luego, se describen los resultados obtenidos en el CMP, identificando los temas prioritarios. Finalmente, se explican estos resultados dentro de su contexto nacional e internacional, para obtener las motivaciones que tuvo cada uno de los candidatos para incorporar estos temas en lo más alto de su agenda de Política Exterior

Starting from the idea that South America has occupied a special place in Brazilian foreign policy, this article analyses the specificities of the foreign policy toward the region during Lula da Silva government (2003-2010). Despite its continuity with projects launched by the former government, Lula administration presented important singularities, mainly derived from the priority given to the strengthening of regional cooperation ties and regional integration in South America; the main examples are the creation of the UNASUR and the new drive experienced by the MERCOSUR. This article analyses the foreign policies toward the region implemented in the light of domestic dynamics, with the focus on the reorganization of political forces, and in the light of the regional scenario, with the rise of left and left-centrist governments, as well as the economic changes in the neighbouring countries. Finally, it addresses the question of the construction of a regional identity./n ; A partir de la idea de que América del Sur ha ocupado un lugar destacado en la política exterior brasileña, este artículo analiza las especificidades de la política externa para la región durante el gobierno de Lula da Silva (2003-2010). A pesar de la línea de continuidad con proyectos iniciados por el gobierno anterior, la gestión de Lula presentó singularidades significativas, derivadas, sobre todo, de la prioridad otorgada a una mayor profundización de los lazos de cooperación y de integración regional en América del Sur, teniendo como principales ejemplos la creación de la unasur y el nuevo impulso experimentado por el mercosur. El artículo analiza las políticas exteriores hacia la región a la luz de la dinámica doméstica con el foco en la reorganización de las fuerzas políticas, y del contexto regional con la emergencia de gobiernos de izquierda y centroizquierda, así como de la aceleración los cambios económicos de los países del entorno. Finalmente, plantea la cuestión de la construcción de una identidad regional.

Sudáfrica postapartheid ha mantenido una política exterior caracterizada por, entre otras cosas, la defensa de los intereses de los países en desarrollo en la articulación del orden mundial. Esto le permite lograr un estatus de país líder en África. Sin embargo, su política exterior se encuentra limitada por factores de índole interno (especialmente la migración hacia el país) y externo (las importantes relaciones económicas con países del Norte global, pese a la pertenencia de Sudáfrica al bloque BRICS), resultando en posicionamientos ambivalentes que frenan tanto su papel de líder en África como cualquier cuestionamiento significativo al orden mundial existente. ; Post-apartheid South Africa has maintained a foreign policy aimed, among other things, at defending the interest of the developing countries in the configuration of the world order. This allows South Africa to have the status of leading country in Africa. However, South Africa's foreign policy is constrained by internal (especially migration to the country) and external factors (particularly the important economic relations with Global North countries, despite its membership in BRICS), resulting in ambivalent policy positions that hinder not only South Africa's leading role in Africa, but also any significant challenge to the existing world order. ; 57-76 ; dariomedellin83@gmail.com ; na.floresga@gmail.com ; Semestral