Suchergebnisse

The article focuses on the interconnectedness of foreign policy environments to explain Slovenia's opportunities and constraints for foreign policy action. During the period of pre-independence para-diplomacy, the building of an internal and external domestic environment successfully turned constraints (no international recognition) into opportunities (applying for membership of European and global intergovernmental organizations). In the second period — post-recognition — considering the absence of a strategic foreign policy document, the Slovenian internal foreign policy environment became a major constraint to seize foreign environment opportunities. This affected Slovenia's accomplishments, notably after NATO and EU memberships were achieved in 2004. Although the Slovenian internal environment matured during the following period to adopt, in 2015, a comprehensive foreign policy strategy the recent turn in world politics (especially the European financial and economic crisis and the migration crisis) created for the first time a foreign environment for Slovenia that offered many fewer opportunities and far more constraints. ; The article focuses on the interconnectedness of foreign policy environments to explain Slovenia's opportunities and constraints for foreign policy action. During the period of pre-independence para-diplomacy, the building of an internal and external domestic environment successfully turned constraints (no international recognition) into opportunities (applying for membership of European and global intergovernmental organizations). In the second period — post-recognition — considering the absence of a strategic foreign policy document, the Slovenian internal foreign policy environment became a major constraint to seize foreign environment opportunities. This affected Slovenia's accomplishments, notably after NATO and EU memberships were achieved in 2004. Although the Slovenian internal environment matured during the following period to adopt, in 2015, a comprehensive foreign policy strategy the recent turn in world politics (especially the European financial and economic crisis and the migration crisis) created for the first time a foreign environment for Slovenia that offered many fewer opportunities and far more constraints.

Prvi hrvatski predsjednik Franjo Tuđman vodio je vrlo zanimljivu i kompleksnu vanjsku politiku. Njegovu vanjsku politiku obilježio je Domovinski rat te rat u Bosni i Hercegovini. Franjo Tuđman je vodio hrvatsku narod kroz jedan od najtežih perioda u njegovoj povijesti te je iza njega ostalo mnoštvo upitnika. U ovom radu će se, kroz prizmu realizma, analizirati određena dijela Franje Tuđmana i odnosi koje je vodio sa Srbijom te Bosnom i Hercegovinom, te će se, na temelju te analize, pokušati ponuditi odgovor na pitanje kakva je njegova vanjska politika uistinu bila, odnosno je li ona stvarno bila realistička. ; The first Croatian President Franjo Tuđman has lead a very interesting and complex foreign policy. His foreign policy was marked by the Homeland War and the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Franjo Tuđman led the Croatian people through one of the most difficult times in Croatias history and behind him remained a multitude of questions. In this paper, through the prism of realism, we will analyze certain academic works of Franjo Tuđman and the relations he has strived to build with Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and on that analysis will try to offer an answer to the question of what his foreign policy really was and was it really realistic.

Realism has been the dominant conceptual approach to studying Indonesian foreign policy. This article, however, considers realist analyses to be insucient since their emphasis on the struggle for power and security in the system of states has led to the neglect of the importance of perspectives which focus on order. To ll the gap it then intends to apply the English School perspective which focuses on the concept of international society to trace the nature and function of Indonesian foreign policy. Two cases are examined, including the Asian African Conference and Association of South East Asian Nations, to demonstrate the relevance of international society for policy ideas and action. The central argument is that the Indonesian elite worldview indicates that the creation and maintenance of order in international societies are ones which are prominent objectives legitimizing the conduct of Indonesia's external relations.

This paper looks at how Indonesia contributes to the creation of a relatively peaceful and stable Southeast Asian region after the Cold War. It examines Jakarta's diplomacy in the South China Sea, and explains its implications for the making of the regional order. The argument is that Indonesia's impact on regional security has been apparent in its attention to the improvement of rule-based interaction among states in the region. However, recent developments have demonstrated that Indonesia's initiatives, formulated in the Indo-Pacific Cooperation Concept, are unsuccessful due to the lack of support from other ASEAN states. This paper shows that great powers politics in the troubled waters has hindered the advancement of Indonesian's orderdriven policy.

Članak donosi pregled ključnih pitanja vezanih za vanjsku politiku i teorije vanjske politike u širem kontekstu političke znanosti. Raspravljajući o izvorima i razvoju analize vanjske politike, kao i znanstvenim radovima na tu temu, autorica utvrđuje da analiza vanjske politike danas obuhvaća cijeli niz teorijskih pristupa i modela. Zajedničko im je razumijevanje da se ishodi vanjske politike ne mogu u potpunosti razumjeti ako se analiza ograniči na razinu cijelog sustava. Nadalje, rad konceptualizira vanjsku politiku kroz njezinu usporedbu s drugim tipovima policyja. Iako se u razdoblju Hladnoga rata vanjska politika poistovjećivala s vanjskom sigurnosnom politikom, autorica naglašava da je u današnjem globaliziranom svijetu sigurnosna politika tek jedna od njezinih dimenzija. Vanjska je politika proširila svoj opseg pa obuhvaća brojna druga pitanja, poput trgovine, ljudskih prava i okoliša. Sve veći broj unutarnjopolitičkih, međunarodnih i transnacionalnih pitanja, zainteresiranih aktera i doprinosa procesu stvaranja vanjske politike čini formulaciju i provedbu koherentne vanjske politike izazovnom zadaćom. ; This paper provides an overview of key issues related to foreign policy and foreign policy theories in the wider context of political science. Discussing the origins and development of foreign policy analysis (FPA), as well as scholarly work produced over time, it argues that today FPA encompasses a variety of theoretical approaches, models and tools. These share the understanding that foreign policy outputs cannot be fully explained if analysis is confined to the systemic level. Furthermore, this paper conceptualizes foreign policy by comparing it to other types of policy. Although during the Cold War period foreign policy was equated with foreign security policy, in today's world, security policy is only one dimension. Foreign policy's scope has expanded to cover other issues such as trade, human rights and the environment. The growing number of domestic, international and transnational issues, ...

Ova analiza vanjske politike socijalističke Jugoslavije, a posebno razdoblja vladavine Josipa Broza Tita, prvo je politološko razmatranje te teme nasuprot većini studija koja se njome bave iz historiografske perspektive. U prvom dijelu članka prikazani su glavni elementi analize vanjske politike, pri čemu se autor usredotočuje na odnos aktera i struktura kao jedan njezin element. U drugom dijelu prikazane su teorijske i metodološke postavke na kojima se zasniva analiza vanjske politike socijalističke Jugoslavije. Autor zaključuje da je proces odlučivanja o vanjskoj politici Jugoslavije evoluirao od 1945. do 1980. tako što je Tito, kao glavni donositelj odluka, sve više morao voditi računa o strukturi i raznim akterima unutar nje. Očita je bila sve veća pluralizacija procesa odlučivanja, kako na horizontalnoj razini, u interakciji Saveznog sekretarijata za inozemne poslove, partijskog vrha i Titova kabineta, tako i na vertikalnoj osi, kroz utjecaj republika i pokrajina na odlučivanje na saveznoj razini. Iako je ostao glavni donositelj odluka, Titovu su moć s vremenom znatno ograničili utjecaji drugih aktera, osobito otkako je sedamdesetih godina Predsjedništvo SFRJ dobilo mnoge ovlasti. ; Unlike the great majority of analyses that have taken the historiographic perspective, this study of socialist Yugoslavia's foreign policy, focusing on the Josip Broz Tito era, is the first of its kind to provide a perspective of political science. The first section of this article provides an overview of the main elements of foreign policy analysis, whereby the author focuses on the relationship between the actors and the structures as one of its inherent elements. The second section offers insight into the theoretical and methodological tenets on which the analysis of socijalist Yugoslavia's foreign policy resides. The author argues that the foreign-policy decision-making process in Yugoslavia evolved between 1945 and 1980 as Tito, the chief decision-maker, increasingly had to take into account the structure and the multiple actors within that structure. Evidently, the decision-making processes were becoming more and more pluralized both horizontally, in the interaction between the Federal Secretariat for Foreign Affairs, party leadership and Tito's cabinet, and vertically – as seen from the influence the republics and provinces hadon federal decision-making. Though he remained the chief decision-maker, with time Tito's power became limited by other actors' influence, in particular after the Presidency of Yugoslavia was given extensive authority in the 1970s.

Promidžba demokracije temeljni je cilj vanjske politike EU-a, a ujedno i međunarodna dimenzija demokratizacije kao temeljnog i ključnog političkog ishoda proširenja unija na države Istočne, Srednje i Jugoistočne Europe. U svjetlu relevantnosti te tematike ovaj rad nastoji definirati pojam, doseg i primjenu promidžbe demokracije u međunarodnim odnosima, posebice prema postkomunističkim državama u posthladnoratovskom razdoblju, instrumente, ciljeve, strategije, ograničenja, evolutivni okvir promidžbe demokracije, kao i njezinu primjenu na primjeru Europske Unije, posebice u odnosu na bivše komunističke države, gdje je zamijećeno da vanjski akteri ne mogu potaknuti demokratizaciju i dovesti do stabilnih političkih poredaka ukoliko snažni unutarnji politički akteri ne budu "upravljali" elementima državnosti i modernizacije ; Democracy promotion is a crucial objective of the EU foreign policy; at the same time it is also the international dimension of democratization as a fundamental and crucial political outcome of the EU enlargement to Eastern, Central and Southeastern Europe. In light of the relevance of that topic, this paper attempts to define the concept, scope and application of democracy promotion in international relations, especially in the post-communist countries in the post-Cold War period. It will also examine instruments, objectives, strategies, constraints and evaluation framework of democracy promotion, as well as its implication on the case study of the European Union, particularly regarding former communist countries. In these cases it was observed that external actors can encourage democratization and lead to a stable political order if elements ofstatehood and state modernization are not discouragely "managed" by influential internal political actors.

Politika izolacionizma koju su Sjedinjene Američke Države vodile sve do sredine 20. stoljeća naglo se izmjenila nakon napada Japanaca na Pearl Harbor. Krajem 1941. godine SAD su se aktivno uključile u Drugi svjetski rat. Prije toga su u ratu sudjelovali neaktivno, odnosno kroz razne programe kojima su Europi slali materijalnu i financijsku pomoć. Uskoro su slijedili sastanci i mirovne konferencije saveznika – Sjedinjenih Američkih Država, Sovjetskog Saveza i Velike Britanije, koji su se borili protiv sila Trojnog pakta. Na konferencijama se raspravljalo o budućnosti nakon Drugog svjetskog rata. Izmeu ostalog, dogovoreno je osnivanje organizacije Ujedinjeni narodi, koja će u budućnosti brinuti za sigurnost i mir u svijetu. Velike nesuglasice izmeu Saveznika sa zapada i Sovjetskog Saveza rezultirale su zahladnjenjem odnosa i započeo je period Hladnog rata. Hladni rat označava krizno razdoblje izmeu dva bloka u kojem su se velike sile svijeta natjecale u naoružanju i borbi za interesna područja. Usporedno s početkom Hladnog rata u Europi započinje integracija europskih zemalja. Najveći utjecaj na to imale su upravo Sjedinjene Američke Države koje su od kraja rata pomagale europskim državama u obnovi i razvoju. Novom američkom politikom, nazvanom Trumanova doktrina, političari Sjedinjenih Američkih Država odlučnije su se krenuli boriti protiv sovjetskog ekspanzionizma. Marshallovim planom ponudili su Europljanima ogromnu količinu novca kako bi se uz gospodarstvo, podigao i demokratski standard zemalja. Američkim poticajem, 1949. godine osnovan je Sjevernoatlantski savez koji je u slučaju rata trebao štiti europske zemlje od Sovjetskog Saveza i njihovih satelita. Time je započelo čvršće vezanje Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i europskih zemalja te je označilo direktan ulaz Amerikanaca u europsku politiku. ; Political isolationism which was led by the United States before the middle of 20th century, significantly changed after Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. At the end of 1941. year, United States joined the World War ...

This article aims to test competing explanations about the US foreign aid policy, namely interest-driven theory, humanitarian theory, and domestic political theory. Using longitudinal data on the amount of Official Development Assistance provided by the US to 155 recipient countries from 1960 to 2008, analyzed using random coefficient models, the research found that humanitarian and domestic political theories can account for the US foreign aid policy to the recipient countries for almost five decades better than the interest-driven theory. Generally, the US were more likely to send aid to poorer countries and/or countries where the US-based NGOs were actively involved. The econometric models also show that there are some cross-sectional and temporal variations in the aid. On average, countries receiving high amount of aid in the 1960s tend to have lower annual growth rate in the money they received from the US.

Rad pručava politike razvojne pomoći kao instrumente moći za postizanje vanjskopolitičkih ciljeva koji koriste u prvom redu državama-inicijatoricama. Rad se fokusira na dvije velike europske zemlje: Francusku Republiku i Saveznu Republiku Njemačke, koje su ujedno gospodarski i politički najmoćnije zemlje članice Europske unije. Promjenom paradigme, iz one u kojoj najveću korist od politika razvojne pomoći imaju slabije razvijene zemlje u paradigmu kako dugoročno najveću korist imaju upravo zemlje koje su inicijatorice istih, rad pokazuje da starije, veće te politički i ekonomski moćnije države članice Europske unije koriste politike razvojne pomoći prema slabije razvijenim članicama, prema zemljama kandidatkinjama te ostalim zemljama, kako bi promovirale vlastiti interes i ostvarile ciljeve svoje vanjske politike. Konačno, pokazujući vezu između politika razvojne pomoći i širenja utjecaja i moći Francuske i Njemačke, rad stvora pretpostavke za novo objašnjenje odnosa moći u međunarodnom okruženju. ; The dissertation examines how the development aid policy, both in the context of national budgets and European Structural and Investment Funds, is being used as an instrument for achieving foreign policy objectives, and it is in this sense primarily beneficial for countriesdonators. Dissertation is focussed on two main European Union member states: the Republic of France and Federal Republic of Germany. By changing the paradigm from the one in which the least developed countries have the most benefit from development aid policy to the paradigm that, on the long-term, greatest benefits precisely have the countries that are the initiators of the same development aid, dissertation argues that older, bigger, politically and economically more powerful European Union member states use development policies assisting less developed members, candidate and other countries to promote their own interests and achieve goals of their foreign policy. In attempt to demonstrate the influence of France and Germany through development ...