The Europeanisation of National Foreign Policy. Dutch, Danish and Irish Foreign Policy in the European Union
In: Rivista di studi politici internazionali: RSPI, Band 69, Heft 2, S. 317
ISSN: 0035-6611
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In: Rivista di studi politici internazionali: RSPI, Band 69, Heft 2, S. 317
ISSN: 0035-6611
In: Italian Political Science Review: Rivista italiana di scienza politica, Band 38, Heft 3, S. 481-483
ISSN: 0048-8402
In: Italian Political Science Review: Rivista italiana di scienza politica, Band 37, Heft 1, S. 148-150
ISSN: 0048-8402
While the field of foreign policy has generated an impressive amount of research, there is still much to be explored and explained of the way in which regime types (totalitarian and democratic) influence the dynamics of state behavior at the international level. The present study examines in a comparative way the characteristics that influence the process of foreign policy making in totalitarian and democratic states. This can help achieve a better understanding of their foreign policy decisions and also help reveal valuable patterns in their decision making process. For the purpose of the present study, the United States of America and the People`s Republic of China were chosen as representative cases of the above mentioned highly contrasting regimes. The foreign policy and diplomatic relationship of the two countries is analyzed on the period between the 1940s and the 1970s using comparative foreign policy analysis, their differences providing a fertile ground for comparison.
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Realism has been the dominant conceptual approach to studying Indonesian foreign policy. This article, however, considers realist analyses to be insucient since their emphasis on the struggle for power and security in the system of states has led to the neglect of the importance of perspectives which focus on order. To ll the gap it then intends to apply the English School perspective which focuses on the concept of international society to trace the nature and function of Indonesian foreign policy. Two cases are examined, including the Asian African Conference and Association of South East Asian Nations, to demonstrate the relevance of international society for policy ideas and action. The central argument is that the Indonesian elite worldview indicates that the creation and maintenance of order in international societies are ones which are prominent objectives legitimizing the conduct of Indonesia's external relations.
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In: Il politico: rivista italiana di scienze politiche ; rivista quardrimestrale, Band 70, Heft 3, S. 547-549
ISSN: 0032-325X
This paper looks at how Indonesia contributes to the creation of a relatively peaceful and stable Southeast Asian region after the Cold War. It examines Jakarta's diplomacy in the South China Sea, and explains its implications for the making of the regional order. The argument is that Indonesia's impact on regional security has been apparent in its attention to the improvement of rule-based interaction among states in the region. However, recent developments have demonstrated that Indonesia's initiatives, formulated in the Indo-Pacific Cooperation Concept, are unsuccessful due to the lack of support from other ASEAN states. This paper shows that great powers politics in the troubled waters has hindered the advancement of Indonesian's orderdriven policy.
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In: Rivista di studi politici internazionali: RSPI, Band 71, Heft 3, S. 539-540
ISSN: 0035-6611
In: Italian Political Science Review: Rivista italiana di scienza politica, Band 32, Heft 1, S. 182-184
ISSN: 0048-8402
In: Italian Political Science Review: Rivista italiana di scienza politica, Band 39, Heft 2, S. 295-305
ISSN: 0048-8402
In: Rivista di studi politici internazionali: RSPI, Band 77, Heft 1, S. 35-46
ISSN: 0035-6611
World Affairs Online
In: Affari esteri: rivista trimestrale, Band 5, S. 3-62
ISSN: 0001-964X
This article aims to test competing explanations about the US foreign aid policy, namely interest-driven theory, humanitarian theory, and domestic political theory. Using longitudinal data on the amount of Official Development Assistance provided by the US to 155 recipient countries from 1960 to 2008, analyzed using random coefficient models, the research found that humanitarian and domestic political theories can account for the US foreign aid policy to the recipient countries for almost five decades better than the interest-driven theory. Generally, the US were more likely to send aid to poorer countries and/or countries where the US-based NGOs were actively involved. The econometric models also show that there are some cross-sectional and temporal variations in the aid. On average, countries receiving high amount of aid in the 1960s tend to have lower annual growth rate in the money they received from the US.
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Questa tesi di dottorato, partendo dall'assunto teorico secondo cui lo sport, pur essendo un fenomeno periferico e non decisivo del sistema politico internazionale, debba considerarsi, in virtù della sua elevata visibilità, sia come un componente delle relazioni internazionali sia come uno strumento di politica estera, si pone l'obiettivo di investigare, con un approccio di tipo storico-politico, l'attività internazionale dello sport italiano nel decennio che va dal 1943 al 1953. Nello specifico viene dedicata una particolare attenzione agli attori e alle istituzioni della "politica estera sportiva", al rientro dello sport italiano nel consesso internazionale e alla sua forza legittimante di attrazione culturale. Vengono approfonditi altresì alcuni casi relativi a «crisi politiche» che influirono sullo sport e a «crisi sportive» che influenzarono la politica. La ricerca viene portata avanti con lo scopo primario di far emergere, da un lato se e quanto coscientemente lo sport sia stato usato come strumento di politica estera da parte dei governi e della diplomazia dell'Italia repubblicana, dall'altro quanto e con quale intensità lo sviluppo dell'attività internazionale dello sport italiano abbia avuto significative ripercussioni sull'andamento e dai rapporti di forza della politica internazionale. ; The argument of the present work is that sport is a peripheral and not vital phenomenon in the international political system, but because of its high public visibility it has to be considered both as a part of international relations and a foreign policy tool for governments and diplomacy. The present PhD study aims at inquiring, in a historical-political approach, into the international role of sport in the decade 1943-1953. It will give particular attention to the actors and institutions of the "sporting foreign policy", to the Italian re-entering into the international sport arena and its soft power; in addition, attention will be drawn to some particular "political crises" that touched the sporting activity and to some "sporting crises" obliging the intervention of the government and diplomacy. The final aim of the study is to understand if and how sport was consciously used as a foreign policy tool, and at what degree of intensity the international activity of the Italian sport was influenced by the development and the balance of power in international politics.
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The existing literature on Indonesia's foreign policy has excluded the state from the category of an agent which shapes the country's external affairs. This trend certainly ignores the notion that foreign policy is a unique state activity taking place in the interface between domestic and international politics. To fill the gap, this article explores the idea about the family state and looks at its influence on the conduct of Indonesia's international relations. The argument is that the family state pursues order in international society in which sovereignty can be maintained. Indonesia plays the role of an order-maker in Southeast Asia through the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). The order-oriented actions are displayed by Jakarta's diplomacy to resolve border disputes with neighbouring countries in the region
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