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Abstract not available. 22 References.

In a response to Ole Peter Kolby's (2003) account of Norway's 2-year service on the UN Security Council, the question of Norway's low profile internationally, despite its good works in foreign policy, reflects on the Norwegian government itself. The current foreign policy apparatus in Norway, it is charged, has been too accommodating to American unilateralism, among other things. The Norwegian media & Norwegian public opinion are also to blame for putting insufficient pressure on Norwegian decisionmakers to take strong stands & make difficult decisions. A. Siegel

Norwegian foreign policy discourse is mainly based on the premise that Norway is a "small state." This insistence has linked it to another discourse within the IR community, namely small state literature. The author examines this tradition critically, emphasizing its main tenet: the significance of military power. Paradoxically, one might say, because this way of thinking presupposes a "great power" perspective. Small states have usually been regarded as too weak to influence world politics to any significant extent, but this view is only valid within a "Westphalian" political order. The article explores the various attempts of defining the small state, & the general perception of a specific small state behavior. These efforts, however, presuppose a kind of similarity between small states, which is not historically evident. Instead the author highlights the significance of studying small states more historically, taking into consideration the great variations between them. In recent years, the claim that there exists a universal small state behavior has been challenged by developments within the EU. This "post Westphalian" kind of political order demonstrates the way in which small states within the community now develop a new sense of "activism" & a new small state identity -- changes which add up to a radically new small state profile. 120 References. Adapted from the source document.

Norwegian foreign policy has historically been influenced by four factors: neutrality/isolationism, moralism, internationalism, & sector orientation, all of which can be seen in contemporary foreign policy, although the neutral/isolationist strain has been waning as the internationalist one has been waxing. There remain pronounced moralist & sector orientation tendencies. Discussed are the role played by these four factors since Norwegian independence in 1905, recognition by Norwegian policymakers of a historical triangulation of powers (first Denmark, Sweden, & Finland, then Russia, Germany, & England, followed by the USSR, the EU, & the US), the Norwegian self-image, & responses to September 11, 2001, as well as the collapse of the Soviet Union & changes in Europe in the past decade. A. Siegel

What can account for the distinctive American style of political discourse, the independent course of US foreign policy, & the stubbornly enduring popularity of George W. Bush? The article argues that both rest on the deep structure of American thought that is on the one hand highly dualistic & on the other obsessed with the notion of purity. These produce a worldview in which the "Good" is wholly, indivisibly good, the "Bad" is wholly, indivisibly evil & "Good" is at eternal risk of corruption. This mental framework is first illustrated by means of two popular films, the 1989 Bill and Ted's Excellent Adventure & the 1964 Dr. Strangelove. Finally, the author draws on the work of anthropologist Mary Douglas to analyze the consequences of this way of thinking for US foreign policy, & argues that such a dichotomous worldview faces constant challenge from the existence of phenomena that do not easily fit it. Much of US foreign policy can accordingly be understood as varying strategies to protect American purity & to resolve ambiguous phenomena that threaten the prevailing American moral code. 20 References. Adapted from the source document.

The article presents an outline of Syrian domestic & foreign policy after the ascendancy of Bashar al-Assad to power last summer, following the death of his father, Hafiz al-Assad. It emphasizes the continuity that has marked Syrian politics despite expectations that Bashar al-Assad's presidency would lead to a more reform-oriented & moderate Syrian regime. The article focuses on the challenges facing Bashar al-Assad at home & abroad. It discusses Bashar al-Assad's consolidation of power & the half-hearted reform process in Syria. A larger emphasis, however, is put on the challenges stemming from abroad, notably the growing challenge to Syria's presence in Lebanon & the tensions with Israel. 28 References. Adapted from the source document.

In a critical review of the work of E. H. Carr on international politics, Carr's stature as an early critic of Western-Soviet relations is discussed. Carr, best known for his works What Is History? (1962) & The Twenty Years' Crisis (1939), had good timing: eg, his analysis of the failure of policy toward the Central Powers & the USSR appeared on the eve of WWII. Carr was a pioneering figure in that he served both as influential historian & influential policymaker in the British Foreign Office during this period, & his assessment of realism & utopianism, while critiqued in the intervening years, is part of a body of work that still holds value today, particularly for students of international politics. 9 References. A. Siegel

A review essay on books by (1) Walter Russell Mead, Special Providence. American Foreign Policy and How It Changed the World (New York: Routledge, 2002); (2) Anders Stephanson, Manifest Destiny. American Expansion and the Empire of Right (New York: Hill & Wang, 1995); & (3) Warren Zimmermann, First Great Triumph. How Five Americans Made Their Country a World Power (New York: Farrar, Strauss & Giroux, 2002). 20 References.

At the close of Norway's 2-year appointment to one of the rotating seats of the UN Security Council, the actions of the Security Council, & Norway in particular, are reviewed by Norway's ambassador to the UN, with particular attention to the correlation between Norway's UN votes & its own foreign policy. Also discussed is the political campaigning that UN members must engage in for consideration for Security Council seats, not only with countries from other parts of the world but with other Nordic countries. Norway's service on the council coincided with the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 & the US-led war against the Taliban in Afghanistan that followed. Norway played a large role in mediating Horn of Africa conflicts between Ethiopia & Eritrea, & the civil unrest in Somalia. The ambassador also addresses the outsized influence that the P-5 (the five permanent Security Council members) play in decision making, & also summarizes Norway's role in the ongoing Iraq question, as well as the installation of the International Criminal Court. A. Siegel

In light of the dramatic events in the Middle East in the course of the spring 2003, it has become more & more important to focus the interest on the multidimensional relationship between the West & Arabic world. The Barcelona process or the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) is relatively purely known, but nevertheless an important aspect of the European Union's policy toward the Arabic countries. The EMP was launched in 1995 between the EU & 12 countries on the southern side of the Mediterranean Sea. The article gives a brief account of the content & the form of the project by Dec 2002 & explains at the same time the motive behind the European activities in the Mediterranean region. The three parts of the project (the political, the economical & the cultural partnership) are then analyzed focusing on the actual challenges. Problems are of financial as well as of cultural character, but the main responsibility for the slow progress characterizing the project is to be sought in the diverse interests of the member countries in important areas as trade & security politics. 24 References. Adapted from the source document.

In this article we highlight the role of Kaliningrad in Russia, the relationship between Lithuania, Kaliningrad, & Russia in the EU & NATO enlargement processes, & finally, Russian policy towards the EU & NATO enlargement to the Baltic. The article concludes that Kaliningrad today, more than in the previous decade, can be seen as an inclusive region under federal control in the economic area. Militarily, Russia has yet to formulate a clear policy for Kaliningrad. Future Russian policy in general & the policy on Kaliningrad in particular will for the most part depend on the development of the EU (on military cooperation & on enlargement) & on the dialogue between Russia & NATO (on enlargement, on combating terrorism & other issues). Until today the relationship between Lithuania & Russia has mainly been influenced by their common Soviet history, but will in the future to a larger extent be influenced by Lithuania's increasing cooperation with the EU & NATO. 26 References. Adapted from the source document.