Suchergebnisse

Gerhard Wettig ; Mit dt. Kurzfassung ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- 4 Z 68.247-1989,64/68

In 2014, Sweden's Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP) was announced with a fanfare. This article critically interrogates how Sweden implements the FFP through digital diplomacy by investigating the extent of Sweden's gender equality activities on Twitter since the introduction of the FFP and by tracing gendered online abuse in digital diplomacy. I focus on Swedish embassy tweets towards two countries where feminism is highly contested – Poland and Hungary. The theoretical inspiration comes from discursive approaches to the spoken and unspoken, enriched by feminist observations about the non-binary character of voice/silence. The method applied is gender driven quantitative and qualitative content analysis. The findings demonstrate that the FFP has not set any significant mark on digital diplomacy in the analyzed cases. The launching of the FFP went completely unnoticed and posts related to gender equality have actually decreased since 2014. There are no traces of ambassadors being subjected to gendered online abuse, but heavily xenophobic and paternalistic language is directed at Sweden as a representative of liberal policies.The article contributes to the literature on digital diplomacy by highlighting the (lack of) links between foreign policy and digital diplomacy and it addresses a gap by focusing on gender in digital diplomacy.

The rise of populism in the European Union represents a key internal political development that is likely to have repercussions on its foreign policy. It is traditionally assumed that, when in the opposition, populist parties affect foreign policy debates though not foreign policy outcomes. But when they are elected into office, as happened in several EU member states, how do they shape policy decisions and processes in EU foreign policy? This policy paper argues that although populist actors can be vocal and conspicuous in aligning with external actors contesting the international liberal order, they rarely go as far as swaying or blocking EU foreign policy decisions and outputs. At the same time, however, populist governments' domestic illiberal policies have the potential to undermine the EU's legitimacy, structural power, and resilience-building endeavours.

National identity provides the interpretive framework through which foreign policy makers understand their role in the world and the actions of other states, and can also be utilized as a tool to mobilize public support behind foreign policy maneuvers. Foreign policy in turn is both shaped by constructions of national identity, and often used to forge and substantiate the narratives of national identity which best serve the regime's domestic interests. This thesis will seek to establish the mutually constitutive relationship between national identity and foreign policy through an analysis of the interaction of these elements in the Russian Federation under President Vladimir Putin. Russian national identity will be considered in its formation with respect to the Historical, Internal, and External 'Others' in post-Soviet discourse originally identified by the constructivist analysis of Ted Hopf, with particular emphasis on the evolution of identity narratives disseminated from the Kremlin.

Domestic and foreign policy cannot always be kept apart. A change of Government at national level may impact on foreign policy, and foreign policy adventures sometimes translate into consequences at home. Links between domestic and foreign policy may be limiting as well as enabling factors for Governments who find themselves at the cross-roads between national and international power. This study combines theory about political stability, at national level, with theory about foreign policy change, focusing on (1) strategies used by the political leaders to build and maintain political stability, (2) change in foreign policy, and (3) links between the two. The degree of political stability in a country, it is argued, depends on the extent to which key groups accept the regime and on the existence of credible alternatives to the current regime. The leaders may resort to different strategies to become accepted, focusing on legitimacy, performance or coercion. Foreign policy change is analysed in five areas, namely regime stability, security, trade and economic policy, national identity, and autonomy. It is explained on the basis of a theoretical framework that sees foreign policy change, or the lack of it, as the outcome of a struggle between ?promoters of change? and ?stabilisers of foreign policy?, at various levels. The analysis of the links between foreign policy change and strategies to achieve political stability has been inspired by theories about the two-level game, ?adaptation? and the ?two faces of state action?. Empirically the study covers Hungarian politics during close to forty years (1956-94). This period comprises three distinct phases ? the ?Kádár era? (1956-88), the fall of the Socialist regime and transition to democracy (1988-90) and the first years of democratic governance (1990-94). It points to a shift in legitimation strategies under János Kádár, away from coercion as a prime instrument and focusing more on performance, mainly in economic terms. This strategy was supported by opening up towards the West, first in the area of trade but later also on more sensitive issues, such as the security doctrine. While political stability was achieved for some time, these strategies hit back. Unsuccessful economic reforms, the emergence of a political alternative, the regime's loss of belief in its right to rule and, finally, change in Moscow under Gorbachev, undermined the Socialist regime and led to a process of democratisation starting in 1989. Under democracy, the first Government hoped to base political stability more on legitimacy than on performance. This strategy was unsuccessful in the sense that the Government fell, although the political system as such was never under threat. Foreign policy continued to change in a more dramatic way, although such change can be seen as a logical continuation of a direction which had been defined already under the Socialist regime. Under democracy, links between domestic and foreign policy continued to be strong. Hungary pushed for rapid accession to NATO and the EU to promote security, political stability and economic prosperity as the country liberated itself from its previous dependence on Moscow.

The foreign policy of a state actor towards inter-governmental organizations has become a predominant feature in the contemporary world order, and Nigeria is an active member of the international community. Its foreign policy towards ECOWAS since its formation in 1975 is examined based on its contributions to the regional organization. The objectives of this article are; to explain the historical background of Nigerian foreign policy after gaining independence from Great Britain in 1960; to analyze Nigerian foreign policy approach towards ECOWAS at the early stage of the organization and, finally, to evaluate Nigerian foreign policy in the direction of ECOWAS after its return to democratic rule in 1999. The application of the content analytical method is to realize the objectives set out in the article to allow the author gives a basic conclusion. Therefore, the evolving geopolitics of the world has shown that foreign policy is an effective mechanism in projecting a country's image and policy direction abroad in modern international relations system.

The rise of populism in the European Union represents a key internal political development that is likely to have repercussions on its foreign policy. It is traditionally assumed that, when in the opposition, populist parties affect foreign policy debates though not foreign policy outcomes. But when they are elected into office, as happened in several EU member states, how do they shape policy decisions and processes in EU foreign policy? This policy paper argues that although populist actors can be vocal and conspicuous in aligning with external actors contesting the international liberal order, they rarely go as far as swaying or blocking EU foreign policy decisions and outputs. At the same time, however, populist governments' domestic illiberal policies have the potential to undermine the EU's legitimacy, structural power, and resilience-building endeavours.

The rise of populism in the European Union represents a key internal political development that is likely to have repercussions on its foreign policy. It is traditionally assumed that, when in the opposition, populist parties affect foreign policy debates though not foreign policy outcomes. But when they are elected into office, as happened in several EU member states, how do they shape policy decisions and processes in EU foreign policy? This policy paper argues that although populist actors can be vocal and conspicuous in aligning with external actors contesting the international liberal order, they rarely go as far as swaying or blocking EU foreign policy decisions and outputs. At the same time, however, populist governments' domestic illiberal policies have the potential to undermine the EU's legitimacy, structural power, and resilience-building endeavours.

Purely by chance, 1999 brought together the main themes of Australian foreign policy during this century, especially the second half of it. The year was dominated by issues arising out of East Timor, the ramifications of which went far beyond the narrow confines of that sad territory. Australians faced questions of basic identity: our role and place in the region; the value and costs of the American alliance; the influence of domestic sentiment on foreign policy; the limitations of Australian power and influence; human rights; the South Pacific; and foreign trade. In this article, I will look at how events during 1999 shed light on some of these basic issues. I will not attempt to cover everything that happened; nor even less to give a blow-by-blow account of all the detail. I also ignore some important questions and relationships where there were no significant changes in 1999.

Purely by chance, 1999 brought together the main themes of Australian foreign policy during this century, especially the second half of it. The year was dominated by issues arising out of East Timor, the ramifications of which went far beyond the narrow confines of that sad territory. Australians faced questions of basic identity: our role and place in the region; the value and costs of the American alliance; the influence of domestic sentiment on foreign policy; the limitations of Australian power and influence; human rights; the South Pacific; and foreign trade. In this article, I will look at how events during 1999 shed light on some of these basic issues. I will not attempt to cover everything that happened; nor even less to give a blow-by-blow account of all the detail. I also ignore some important questions and relationships where there were no significant changes in 1999.

Purpose of the study: The purpose of the study is to understand the importance of Afghanistan in India's foreign policy. Being situated in the proximity of Pakistan and Central Asian countries, Afghanistan holds a strategic significance in India's neighbourhood foreign policy. Since the earlier period of time, the geographic location has made Afghanistan involved in any development occurred in Central Asia and South Asia. Methodology: The study is interdisciplinary in nature. It is based on a comparative analysis of research methodology, comparing traditional and current relations between the nations. The study is empirical since it tries to explain the historical-cultural linkages of India and Afghanistan. The study also tries to investigate the obstacles furthering India's relations with Afghanistan and beyond. The study involves both descriptive and qualitative analysis. The study is based on both primary and secondary sources. While books, articles and newspaper reports are secondary sources in the study, primary sources comprised of government sources like an annual report, other relevant reports of the Ministry of External Affairs, etc. Main Findings: India's policy towards Afghanistan is the embodiment of the soft power approach with a long term goal. Energy security and regional security connected with internal security are the topmost priorities of New Delhi factoring the significance of Afghanistan in India's neighbourhood foreign policy. Applications of this study: This study can be useful for understanding International relations covering areas of India-Afghanistan relations, the significance of Afghanistan in India's foreign policy connecting with Central Asia and Iran. Novelty/Originality of this study: India's strategic consideration factoring Afghanistan to connect Central Asia and Iran for energy security, regional and internal security.

This study aims to address the political decision-making in Jordan. The study shows that Jordan is like the rest of the Arab countries, Jordan is characterized by political stability. There have not been many changes in the structure of the Jordanian political system and the mechanism of political decision-making in foreign policy, since the declaration of the independence of the Kingdom of Jordan. The power remained concentrated in the hands of the King even after King Abdulla II inherited King Hussein and came to power in 1999, during whose reign the state witnessed a space of freedom and political and economic stability, which was reflected in the various joints of the state and returned to it prosperity and stability. The internal and external determinants of the Kingdom's foreign policy such as the number of residents and the social structure, in addition to the institutions of foreign policy allow Jordan's decision-maker to interact with a stable system in this regard. The study shows that Jordan has had all the elements enabling it to build a nation-state coherent possessed of the elements of integration and harmony, making it operate efficiently and effectively in order to achieve the goals that won the acceptance of the Kingdom and its consensus.

"Addresses . delivered at the Institute of politics at Williamstown . July . August, 1927."--Pref. ; "Peace, security, and trade."--Peace without security.--The recovery of Europe.--British policy in China. The rise of the nationalist movement.--Concession and conciliation in China.--The Russian question. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The United States of America has been in a state of continual war in Afghanistan and across the Middle East for 18 years. Three sitting presidents, two of which inherited the war from their predecessor, have authorized to either extend or increase military spending and troop levels, slowly bleeding the retrograde process of exiting Afghanistan over the past decade, with no foreseeable resolution in sight. Returning service-members, who themselves make up but a fraction of the ½% of the U.S. population serving in the military are met by a largely uninformed and unmoved public unaware of the difficulties of reintegrating weaponized bodies and brains back into their communities. I believe this is due to the following two factors: first, the implementation and professionalization of a post-Vietnam War, all-volunteer military, and second, the valorization/idealization of service-members and veterans within popular society. In addition to these cultural trends, the Department of Defense (DoD) has continued to develop weapons systems technology far beyond the rifles and bayonets of preceding wars- instead, human actors are increasingly plugged into rhizomatic networks of algorithms and data for application overseas. Not only does this keep service members twice removed from the battlefield, but it also seats them within an ecosystem of data exchange, information, and execution increasing mediated through screens and digital readouts, and away from the real world effects of U.S. interventionism overseas. It is not a question of whether this industrial complex of body, tech, and ideology exists, but to what extent, and to what end. History has proven that a standing defense force is necessary at every level and formulation of social organization- that much is not in question. What remains to be seen is whether the United States can field such a force with the informed, deliberate consent of its public. I've delineated the evolution of my research and practice into three distinct phases, each of which builds on the knowledge and experience of the previous concepts. The first, Weaponization details the conditioning process through which behavior modification, motor learning, and psychology are used to desensitize service members to the commitment of institutional violence on behalf of the U.S. government, a process I experienced first-hand. The second, Response, plots the re-emergence from the rhizomatic power structures of the military and State through reintegration/reclamation/repurposing of the body/mind dynamic using the principles of somatic awareness, improvisational body movement (dance), and performance. The third, Social Engagement, outlines the full circle of integration back into society as teacher, facilitator, and mediator through the arts.

Abstract In 2011, Brazil finally approved a Freedom of Information (FOI) Act that recognises and regulates the right to public information. However, scholars have paid insufficient attention to its impact on Brazilian foreign policy. How has the Brazilian ministry of foreign affairs responded and adapted to this new law? Has it been adequately implemented, and if not, in what ways? Also, how do these challenges in promoting transparent foreign policy connect to the broader debate about democratising Brazilian foreign policy? This article analyses the implementation of the FOI Act by mapping all the requests for information refused by the foreign affairs ministry since 2012, and exploring its legal and political justifications for withholding information. We further argue that the ministry's adherence to the law is an important factor in the democratisation of foreign policy-making in Brazil.